Gender and Academic Resilience as predictors of Academic Stress among In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo state, Nigeria

Citation

Babalola, O. I., Alao, O. G., & Akintola, M. A. (2026). Gender and Academic Resilience as predictors of Academic Stress among In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo state, Nigeria. International Journal of Research, 13(3), 53–71. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijr/5

Olawale Idowu Babalola

Counselling and Human Development Studies

University of Ibadan, Nigeria

lawalebabalola@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0009-0009-8967-8371

Olayinka Grace Alao

Counselling and Human Development Studies

University of Ibadan, Nigeria

gracefulfy@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0009-0005-0213-8235

Motunrayo Adenike Akintola

Counselling and Human Development Studies

University of Ibadan, Nigeria

motunrayoadenike001@gmail.com

https://orcid.org/0009-0005-1597-6553

Abstract

The current study examined the extent to which gender and academic resilience are predictors of academic stress in adolescents pursuing secondary education in Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria. The objectives were to (i) determine the relationship between academic resilience and academic stress, (ii) determine the degree to which gender predicts academic stress, and (iii) determine gender-based differences in academic stress.

Academic stress is an over-riding problem of adolescents, and it is largely due to the pressure of examinations, academic workload, parental expectations and school demand. According to previous literature, academic resilience serves as a protective factor in stress response and that female students are more likely to report high levels of stress, although there is a wide range of empirical evidence across cultures and educational settings, especially in the Nigerian secondary school setting.

The survey design used was a correlational, descriptive survey. The sample consisted of 100 adolescents who were chosen through a simple random sampling method. Measurements were made using Academic Resilience Scale (ARS-30) and Academic Stress Inventory. Pearson product-moment correlations, multiple regression, and independent samples t-tests were used, with a significance level of 0.05.

The results of the analyses showed no statistically significant correlation between academic stress and academic resilience. Gender was also not a major predictor of academic stress. However, the independent samples t-test showed that the difference between the academic stress levels between genders was statistically significant, but only slightly with male students reporting slightly high academic stress levels compared to female students.

The results indicate that academic resilience may not have a pronounced effect on academic stress in the analysed group, and gender is not a very relevant predictor. These findings challenge existing assumptions about the universal buffer effect of resilience on stress and the reliability of gender-based differences in academic stress.

The following recommendations, in turn, are offered in the study: the delivery of individualised counselling services, adoption of balanced academic policies, the use of gender-neutral stress-management interventions, increased parental involvement, and additional research on contextual determinants of academic stress in adolescents.

Keywords

‎Quantitative Study, Academic stress, academic resilience, gender differences, In-School Students well-being, academic stress management, learning

1.1 Introduction

Stress is a psychological activity that destablise the reasoning, thinking and behaviour of an individual. It is not age bound as it is experienced at every age group. During adolescence, academic stress has been a critical problem for adolescents at the secondary level of education. Academic stress is the transient experience of pressure, anxiety, or distress related to achieving academic goals (Pascoe et al. 2020). It is the anxiety and pressure associated with schooling and education (Sudiksha et al., 2024). It usually arises as a result of the imbalance between academic duties and social performance. According to Galloway, et al. (2013) explained that students who do heavy homework at home do not have enough time to socialize with their peers and might not have some life skills necessary to accomplish some essentials of life. Adolescents can experience academic stress when they are concerned about their capacity to cope with the academic demands (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984). It is very important to note that academic stress among adolescents can relatively be influenced by their relationship with teachers, the personality of teachers, pressure to excel in exams, the need to complete schoolwork within a given period, and the overall atmosphere of the school. Notwithstanding, participation in co-curricular activities such as debates, quizzes, speeches, music, dance, and arts can help alleviate stress and improve student performance. Whilst continuous tests, grades, the demand for success, and external expectations are the primary sources of stress for senior In-School Adolescents. Addressing academic stress among In-School Adolescents is important given its potentially serious effects on educational attainment and wellbeing. High levels of academic stress are associated with poorer examination performance, mental wellbeing, affect, sleep, confidence, motivation, and even physical health (Shankar and Park, 2016). In their study A Study on Academic Stress among Senior In-School Adolescents, Sudiksha et al (2024) found out that some of the causes of academic stress among adolescents are examination, test, assignment, parental expectations, competition with peers among others. The expectations of teachers and parents seem a source of burden to students. Hosseinkhani et al. (2019) opined that many parents had very high expectations from their children, such as being the best students in school and involving in all school competitions. Also, teachers display unprofessional and disrespectful behaviour by mocking students in front of others and use inappropriate terms in class. Reddy et al. (2018) further stated that parents and schools relentlessly instill the fear of failure in students which consequently affects their self-esteem and confidence. Sudiksha et al. (2024) further suggested that in helping adolescents managing academic stress, counseling service is crucial. Well, not just mere counseling but a resilient and holistic approach to counseling adolescents will help in managing academic stress among the adolescents.‎ Some researches has revealed that female students are more prone to academic stress than their male counterparts (Calagus, 2011; Busari and Omoponle, 2018; Karaman et al., 2019). However, Dhakkal (2013) found that there is no relationship between gender and academic stress and could not pinpoint a significant gender difference in the level of academic stress. In some other studies, it was found that male students experience high level of academic stress and less coping mechanisms than the female students (Chen et al., 2009; Vijaya and Karunakaran, 2013; Rushmi, 2024).

Adolescents are not immune to stressful situations be it academic or non academic. There are many situations that may trigger stress among the adolescents which may include teasing, bullying, disagreements with peers or adults, competition with peers, assignments, tests and class presentations, transitioning from one school to another, etc. In any given stressful situations adolescents find themselves, it is very essential to build resilience.

The concept of Academic resilience is relative, as there has not been a firm or exact definition for its concept. The term Academic resilience has been well understood by various definitions from different perspectives. Academic resilience is not a simple task, as it involves a complex and broad concept which can usually be mixed up with other terms (Pina Lopez, 2015). It can be used to explain different terms, attitudes, and behaviors in the face of academic challenges (Fernandes de Araujo and Bermudez, 2015). It is even becoming harder for researchers to try to provide a standard and acceptable definition (Vinnacia et al., 2007). It emerges as a term within a lot of social sciences (Cichetti and Curtis, 2007) such as Psychology, Anthropology, Sociology and Education. In the 1980s, researchers often used the word “invulnerable” with the attention to describe those people who were able to maintain a positive aspect of view despite negative circumstances (Dimakos and Papakonstantinopoulou, 2012). Margalit (2004) points out that it is not a trait, but a process that involves internal and external factors. Masten (2011) defined it as the capability that students have in order to deal with important threats which can undermine their expected and normal progress and development in their academic journey. It is the capacity to adapt well when faced with adversity or stress in school related works. It helps students stave off the potential negative psychological effects of challenging experiences (Howley-Rouse, 2020). There are various essential abilities associated with academic resilience which are emotional regulation, impulse control, causal analysis, empathy, realistic optimism, self efficacy and opportunity seeking.

Resilient adolescents see academic or social stress in a positive way which enables them to increase their effort and develop new strategies towards achieving their goals. They tend to develop a growth mindset and show minimal problematic behaviours. This is because resilient people display the courage and motivation to face problems and difficulties accurately (rather than denying or exaggerating them) and maintain a positive mindset and the confidence to persevere (Howley-Rouse, 2020)

Academic resilience also contributes to productivity of adolescents as it fosters their beliefs that they have the ability to influence the external factors that contribute to their academic journey. Resilient students are high in autonomy and self-efficacy – they experience feelings of confidence and believe that things will work out. This sense of personal control gives adolescents an advantage in making changes when faced with difficulty and it can moderate the effect of adversity on wellbeing. (Howley-Rouse, 2020). Though fluctuates at different ages and developmental stages, and across different contexts, It is not a character trait that adolescents are born with, but is a developmental process mostly influenced by adolescents’ experiences and relationships. Importantly for Counselors, this means that academic resilience can be learned and developed among In-School studentss in Ibadan, Oyo state.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

The problem of academic stress has become an increasingly relevant concern among adolescents in secondary school, especially at a point where the academic demands and social expectations meet with developmental changes. Young people in Ibadan, Oyo State, are exposed to a lot of academic stressing pressure due to exams, constant tests, school work, parental pressure, teacher pressure, and peer pressure. These stressors are evidenced by a development phase characterised by emotional, cognitive and social changes making adolescents particularly vulnerable to stress-related problems that may interrupt school academic achievements, mental health, motivation, self-esteem and general adaptation to school life.

Although more and more attention is paid to academic stress and its negative outcomes, teenagers do not have a homogenic perception and response to stress. The evidence on gender differences in academic stress is not conclusive; other studies carried out in advance found contradicting evidence with some indicating that female students have a higher level of academic stress and male students have more academic stress and other studies found no significant difference in the academic stress between male and female students. This contradiction renders knowledge gap on the issue of how gender can be used as a predictor of academic stress particularly in the Nigerian context as well as among in-school adolescents in Ibadan.

At the same time, it has been found that academic resilience is one of the central protective factors that allow adolescents to overcome academic challenges and stressors. Adolescents who are resilient have better emotional control, are consistently optimistic, never give up in the face of adversity, and use adaptive coping strategies to fulfil their academic needs. However, even though the academic resilience has received a lot of literature coverage, there is still little empirical evidence on its predictive ability of academic stress in in-school adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo State, and its possible buffering role on academic pressure in this context.

The research gap lies in having an insufficient knowledge of the combined and separate predictive condition of gender and academic resilience with respect to academic stress among in-school adolescents in Ibadan. Without the presence of strong evidence that will outline these relationships, counsellors, educators, school administrators and policymakers will face challenges in formulating specific, effective and contextual relevant interventions to manage academic stress and promote the wellbeing of adolescents. This research gap needs to be considered in order to create comprehensive, resilience-oriented counselling and school-based interventions to help adolescents overcome academic pressures without compromising their psychological health and academic performance.

1.3 Purpose of the Study

The overall purpose of this study is to evaluate the extent to which gender and academic resilience predicts academic stress of married people living in the Abeokuta North Local Government, Ogun State, Nigeria. Specifically, the research attempts to:

Assess if there is any significant relationship between Academic Resilience and Academic Stress among In-school Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo State.
Examine if gender significantly predict academic stress among In-School adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo State.
Evaluate any significant difference on Academic Stress among In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo State, based on Gender (Male and Female)?

1.4 Research Questions

Is there significant relationship between Academic Resilience and Academic Stress among In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo State?
Does gender significantly predict academic stress among In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo state?
Is there any significant difference on Academic Stress among In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria based on Gender (Male and Female)?

2.1 Literature Review

Academic stress has been broadly noted to be one of the major psychological pressures facing students at all stages of learning. It refers to the psychological and emotional pressure, which accrue due to academic requirements such as exams, homework, time limits, workload, and the directions expected of them as per teachers and parents. When such demands surpass the ability of a student to manage them, stress will result and it can have a negative influence on academic performance, emotional health, and physical health. Academic stress has moved into the focus of growing academic interests especially in the face of greater competitiveness and performance orientation in modern education especially in adolescence and early adulthood when adaptive coping styles are still being developed.

The literature on gender disparity in academic stress is relatively large in number, and it is based on the assumption that male and female students perceive and react differently to stresses because of differences in socialisation processes, biological factors, and cultural demands. Several empirical studies document high levels of stress in the students (female). Graves and colleagues (2021) revealed that female students at college were more likely to report higher levels of moderate-to-high academic stress, and male students were more likely to report lower levels of academic stress, though. Simultaneously, Rubach et al. (2022) showed that academic stress had a more negative direct impact on mental-health outcomes in female students of universities, and stress was a predictor of emotional challenges among women more than among men. In the context of professional training, e.g. nursing and midwifery programmes, Alharbi et al. (2025) observed a greater acute and perceived stress among women; these findings suggest increased susceptibility to academic stress.

However, the data on the issue of gender differences in academic stress is not definitive. Other studies give insignificant or insignificant differences between male and female students. The study carried out by Souza-Lima et al. (2025) found that there were slight gender differences between pre-adolescent pupils, with girls feeling more stressed and bored at school than boys. More importantly, physical exercise reduced stress levels in both genders, implying that behavioural predictors might override gender effects. Similarly, Devchoudhury and Devasagayam (2022) did not find any statistically significant gender effect on general academic stress in the sample of undergraduate students, though female students had a slightly higher mean stress level. The inconsistencies mean that gender-related tendencies are not universal but depend on the context.

Gender differences in academic stress also vary as influenced by cultural context. Amoadu et al. (2024) studied high-school students in Ghana and indicated that they found no meaningful gender differences in academic resiliency or general wellbeing. Male and female students showed similar resilience and high wellbeing which highlights the moderating power of common cultural and educational milieu. The finding highlights the essential contribution of situational variables, such as educational systems, cultural norms, and social expectations, to the development of academic-stress experience.

Gender disparities also occur in the coping mechanisms adopted by students in order to manage academic stress. Emotion-oriented coping strategies are more popular among female students, who look to social support and emotions, compared to male students, who favour problem-oriented coping strategies. According to Graves et al. (2021), female students were more likely to use emotional expression and peer support. Additionally, Benitez-Agudelo et al. (2025) found that female students reported increased anxiety and their perception of stress more often but had more frequent better academic results, which indicates that adaptive coping can counteract stressful disadvantages.

Outside gender, academic resilience has become one of the most important constructs to explain how students react to academic stress. Academic resilience is the ability to adjust favourably and stay in academic activities in spite of difficulties like low grades or exam stress. Instead of an inborn characteristic, it is conceptualised as an active process that is influenced by interactions between personal and environmental factors and is not the same as academic buoyancy, which takes into account the daily struggles in academics (Martin and Marsh 2008).

The literature repeatedly emphasises the importance of protective factors in promoting academic resiliency. Resilience and academic success are predictable by individual factors such as self-efficacy, self-regulation, motivation, emotional intelligence and perseverance and additionally external reinforcements like parental encouragement and teacher emotional support. These associations are endorsed by meta-analytic and systematic reviews (Jowett et al., 2023; Kassis et al., 2024). Under-representation of gender in academic resilience seems to be minimal, and resilience indicates good wellbeing among both male and female students (Amoadu et al., 2024).

Overall, it has been shown that academic stress is common among students and that female students tend to report high instances of stress although this is diverse in terms of age and culture. However, academic resilience turns out to be a crucial adaptive process linked to reduced stress levels and beneficial educational achievement, which is why context-specific, resilience-driven interventions should be implemented to ensure the wellbeing of students.

2.2 Theoretical Frameworks

The theoretical frameworks present systematic statements of the way people go through and cope with stress in the academia and other taxing environments. One of the most conspicuous is the transactional model of stress and coping, the other one is the theory of conservation of resources that collectively provides complementary insights on a stress process, coping, and resilience. In this section, each framework is outlined in specific yet understandable terms that can be interpreted by a novice scholar, specifically touching on the key constructs and its application to academic stress.

2.2.1 Transactional Model of Stress and Coping

The conceptualisation of the transactional model highlights stress as a process in relation as it occurs or does between a person and the influence of the environment instead of an external force imposed or an intrinsic condition. Stress comes in when an individual evaluates a scenario as being burdensome or out of the resources they have thus putting their well-being at risk. The model revolves around two appraisal processes. Primary appraisal is an assessment of the nature of the significance of an event, that it is harm or loss, threat, challenge, or benign irrelevance. Secondary appraisal evaluates the options of coping and personal resources; on one hand, skills, support net or knowledge to depict manageability.

Coping is the process under consideration after the appraisal, referring to the behavioural and cognitive processes aimed at dealing with the stressor or controlling the attendant emotions. Problem-oriented coping is aimed at addressing the cause of the stress per se by engaging in such actions as planning, problem solving, or information seeking. The aim of emotion-oriented coping is to alter emotional reaction, e.g. through acceptance, positive reframing, social support, or evading. The model considers the stress process as dynamic and (iterative) and the feedback line through which reappraisal is pushed. Emotional conditions play a central role because positive emotions enable adaptive coping, and negative emotions may lead to the further development of the cycle of stress.

The framework takes the individual differences in responding to stress. As an example, a challenging test can be perceived as a threat by one student – it gives rise to anxiety and avoidance – whereas as a challenge by another, leading to practise and development. It sheds some light on the demand and resource availability perceptions and the impact they have on performance, mental health, and persistence in an academic setting. Lazarus and Folkman (1987) were the first to define the transactional model, the cognitive-relational character of stress and emotion. The fundamental role of the model has been supported by the literature that followed, with adaptations that add positive emotions towards coping (Biggs et al., 2017). There is empirical evidence both in the clinical and applied fields, including modified versions that are tested on psychosomatic patients (Oehrlein et al., 2021).

2.2.2 Conversation of Resources Theory

According to COR theory, people are compelled to obtain, maintain, defend, and develop resources to survive and ultimately achieve good health. The resources include material goods, commitment to relationships, or employment, personal factors, including self-efficacy and optimism, and such resources as time and physical strength. The main causes of stress are the loss of these resources (or a threat of the same) or a failed investment of resources in creating sufficient returns.

The most influential ones are the primacy of loss, in which loss of resources has a stronger psychological effect compared to the gain with the same magnitude. Individuals spend resources in order to avoid or reduce the losses that might trigger the gain or loss spirals by accumulating or rapidly depleting resource supplies. The resource-rich individuals show more resilience to threats and are placed in better positions to achieve beneficial results, and poor individuals suffer the increased vulnerability of resource-poor people. The resources have a tendency to form caravans, a network of resources and move through passageways, environmental facilitator or hindrances that mediate exchange of resources.

In the academic context, COR theory explains how stressors use up resources; including time and self-esteem due to repeated failures, and hence become spirals that lead to impaired performance or health. Resource development by assistance or skill training has the potential to cushion stress and promote strength. The theory is applicable to chronic and traumatic stress, and it has recognised that resources have to be managed as a form of adaptive functioning. Hobfoll proposed COR as a resource-based substitute of stress models based on demand (1989). Subsequent extensions used the model in the context of organisations and health, and integrated realistic dynamics of resources and outcomes (Hobfoll et al., 2018). Overall surveys emphasise its multilevel format to interpret reaction to adversity (Hobfoll et al., 2017).

To conclude, perceptual appraisals and adaptive coping strategies are predicted by the transactional model but conservation of resources theory revolves around the loss and protection of resources. The two taken together form a strong base of examining academic stress and resilience whereby perceptions of appraisals draw demand and resource management effects have long-term adaptation. The combination of these frameworks can guide interventions that would make more accurate appraisals, bolster coping, and lead to accrual of resources in learning settings.

3.1 Methodology

3.2 Research Design

‎This study used the descriptive survey design of correlation type. This research design was adopted because the researcher will not manipulate the variables of interest in the study.

3.3 Population

‎The target population for this study consists of all In-School Adolescents in Oyo State, Nigeria.

3.4 Sample and Sampling Technique

‎The sample of this study consists of one hundred (100) In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria through simple random sampling technique. This technique was adopted because the target participants have homogeneous characteristics and they have equal chances of being selected for the study. The sample includes males and female In-School Adolescents in Oyo State, Nigeria state.

3.5 Research Instrument

Questionnaire was used as the instrument of collecting data.

3.5.1 Academic Resilience scale

‎The Academic Resilience of In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo state shall be assessed through the Academic Resilience Scale (ARS-30) developed by Simon Cassidy (2016). Respondents assess their level of Academic Resilience on 8 topics using a 4-point rating system, ranging from strongly agree (4) to strongly disagree (1). The internal consistency reliability coefficients, as measured by Cronbach’s alpha was 0.90.

3.5.2 Academic Stress scale

The Academic stress of In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo state was assessed using the Academic Stress Inventory by Lin and Chen (2009) because it covers study habits, test anxiety, peer comparison and parents expectations. The internal consistency reliability coefficients, as measured by Cronbach’s alpha was 0.90.

3.6 Method of Data Analysis

The data collected was analyzed through the use of descriptive statistics which include mean, standard deviation and frequency and using Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC) and multiple regression analysis to give guide on the research questions at 0.05 level of significant.

4.1 Results

RQ1: Is there significant relationship between Academic Resilience and Academic Stress among In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo state?

Table 1: Summary of correlation matrix showing the relationship between the study variables

Variables	Mean	SD	1	2
Academic Stress	20.79	3.45	1.000	.048**
Academic Resilience	27.58	3.39	.048^**	1.000

Table 1 presents correlation analysis between academic resilience and academic stress in in-school adolescents in the Ibadan, Oyo State. The findings indicate a highly insignificant positive relationship (r = 0.048, p < 0.05). The coefficient is not very low, which means that the practical relationship between the two variables is insignificant; however, the coefficient is statistically significant, and the sample size probably led to that. In line with this, academic resilience appears to correlate with academic stress in this group of adolescents very weakly, indicating that increased academic resilience does not significantly lower or modify the perceived level of academic stress among such adolescents.

This finding is contrary to most of the literature that has been done, which often find a moderate negative relationship between resilience (or academic resilience) and stress (or academic stress). Indicatively, meta-analytic research involving college students reveals a moderate and negative correlation of significance (r = -0.29), which means that the stronger the resilience, the less stressful one is (Li et al., 2024). On the same note, a study conducted among students in universities indicates that perceived stress is a predictor of a lack of academic resilience, and resilience is a protective mechanism against stress-related outcomes (Alzoubi et al., 2025). Past studies demonstrated that resilience reduces the adverse impact of academic pressure on the psychological adaptation, mental well-being, and academic success among adolescents (Kim and Lee, 2023; Wang, 2024).

The almost negligible correlation here could be due to the contextual issues of in-school teens in Ibadan, including cultural bias, or differences in the measures, or the emphasis on the acute, and not the chronic stressors. It correlates with non-significant or weak correlations of links in some groups of students occasionally (Huwae, 2022). These discrepancies highlight the fact that additional studies on the topic are required to investigate moderators (age, cultural situation, or particular dimensions of resilience) in Nigerian adolescents.

RQ2: Does gender significantly predict academic stress among In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo state among In-School Adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo state?

Table 2: Multiple Regression Analysis on Academic Stress

R		R Square	Adjusted R Square		Std. Error of the Estimate
0.150		0.022	0.001		3.45222
SUMMARY REGRESSION ANOVA
Model		Sum of Squares	Df	Mean Square	F	Sig.
	Regression	25.477	2	12.738	1.069	.001^b
	Residual	1108.356	93	11.918
	Total	1133.833	95

Coefficients^a
Model		Unstandardized Coefficients		Standardized Coefficients	t	Sig.
Model		B	Std. Error	Beta	t	Sig.
	(Constant)	15.079	1.906		7.910	.000
	Gender	-1.014	.732	.142	-1.384	.170

The table 2 revealed the relative contribution of Gender to Academic Stress among In-School students in Ibadan, Oyo state; Gender (β = .142, t= -1.384, p>0.05) had no significant relative contribution to Academic Stress among In-School students in Ibadan, Oyo state. That is, Gender does not predict Academic Stress of In-School students in Ibadan, Oyo state.

The finding is in line with a number of studies that indicate that there are no significant gender differences in academic stress mainly in adolescent or secondary school environment. Indicatively, studies conducted on secondary school students have tended to have equal levels of stress in both genders with any differences being cultural, measurement, or contextual (Devchoudhury and Devasagayam, 2022). Similarly, gender has been reported as non-significant in some studies in Nigerian university and more general groups of adolescents when other predictors, like age or course of study, are incorporated, albeit having some mixed patterns (Fadipe et al., 2024).

However, in contrast, there is more evidence that indicates that gender is a valid factor; the female students tend to report greater academic stress. The meta-analyses and empirical studies have consistently shown that females have higher stress levels caused by societal expectations, differences in coping, or higher sensitivity to academic requirements (Graves et al., 2021; Li et al., 2024). Certain regression models have found that there is a notable gender impact (β = 0.177, p < 0.05) and females are more vulnerable (Fadipe et al., 2024).

This is because the absence of a strong gender influence in the study could be due to the nature of the sample. In Ibadan, adolescent in-school population can be subjected to acute stressors like exams that overshadow the chronic ones, or, the culture can even even the genders in terms of experiences. The above factors indicate the significance of context in the interpretation of the role of gender in academic stress.

RQ3: Is there difference on Academic stress among In-School students in Ibadan, Oyo State based on gender (Male and female)?

Table 3: Summary Table of t-test for independent measures showing comparison of Academic stress based on gender

	Gender	N	Mean	SD	Df	T	Sig
	Male	61	21.16	3.37
Academic stress					94	.352	.549
	Female	39	20.14	3.54

From Table 3, the result showed that there was significant difference in Academic stress based on gender (male and female) among In-School students in Ibadan, Oyo State (T₍₉₄₎= .352, p<.05). From the table above, a mean score of 21.16 for male participants while female participants had a mean score of 20.14 with a mean difference of 1.02 and statistically significant. This implies that the academic stress among In-School students students in Ibadan, Oyo State based on gender (Male and female) is difference. Male experience more of academic stress than the female.

The significance of this finding is that it contradicts the generally observed trend in previous studies, where the female students tend to report greater academic stress. The majority of studies on adolescents and secondary-school students indicate that girls can be more stressed, with a higher tendency to emotional sensitivity, an increased perception of workload, more social and performance expectations, and a different coping behaviour (Graves et al., 2021; Li et al., 2024). Most empirical studies, such as meta-analyses and extensive surveys, tend to show small to moderate differences, which are characterised by women having higher levels of stress (Souza-Lima et al., 2025). According to post-COVID-19 studies, female students experienced more stress and worse emotional adjustment when academic disruptions occurred (Sharma et al., 2022).

Nevertheless, an increasing body of literature confirms our observation and indicates that male adolescents and secondary-school students are also more likely to report higher levels of academic stress. In South Asian countries like India and Nepal, male students experience higher scales of academic stress, grade anxiety and self-expectations. It is postulated that these differences are due to cultural norms of male success, performance pressure imposed socially, and unique goal-setting and role socialisation (Adhikari et al., 2025; Frontiers in Public Health, 2025). On the other hand, the case in the Sub-Saharan Africa, especially in Nigeria is inconclusive. Some studies indicate no strong gender variations whereas others note tendencies that seem to be dictated by local culture, school types, or testing tools (Amoadu et al., 2024; other studies in Nigeria).

The small yet meaningful outcome of greater male stress in our sample puts into perspective this contextual image. The pattern may be attributed to factors such as high pressure during exams, high cultural expectation of male success in schools and measurement instruments that identify particular stressors in Ibadan. The difference is low (M = 1.02) and t-value is low, hence the effect-size is small and to be handled with care. These findings should be validated by conducting larger and more heterogeneous studies.

In total, these findings reveal that context and culture determine gender differences in academic stress. They further emphasise that gender-sensitive and context-specific interventions are required to support male adolescents in Nigerian schools and not to presuppose that all students are equally vulnerable as in the whole world.

4.1 Discussion

The findings of this study point to the fact that academic resilience is not considerably correlated with academic stress in in-school adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo State. This result is in contrast to the current literature assumed to suggest that academic resilience is a protective factor that enables successful coping with academic stress (Howley-, Rouse, 2020; Masten, 2011). The immediate conclusion is that the recovery skills in the event of academic misfortune do not necessarily go together with the reduced academic stress experiences as observed in the present setting. However, the finding agrees with Dhakkal (2013), who indicated that academic resilience showed a non statistically significant relationship with academic stress. The first reason could be that the presence of adaptive resources does not significantly reduce academic pressure and demands on resilient students when multiple stressors remain chronic and endemic or prevalent in a system, and as is the case with examination-based learning in school.

Besides, the evidence indicates that gender is not a statistically significant predictor of academic stress among respondents. This finding matches Dhakkal (2013), though it is opposite to a number of studies that indicate high stress levels among female students, which is often explained by high emotional sensitivity, parental demands and pressures in society (Busari and  Omoponle, 2018; Karaman et al., 2019). The lack of any visible gender effect of the current study suggests that academic stress might be presented in a widely similar way in both male and female adolescents in Ibadan, which could be because of common school setting, similar academic demands, and similar exposures to stress factors in school.

The independent t -test, however, demonstrated a slightly higher average level of academic stress in the males in comparison to their female counterparts. The difference is minimal, whereas it is contrasted to the overwhelming results of the literature which tend to document higher levels of stress in female students (Reddy et al., 2018). Such a trend can be related to contextual issues, including culture-based expectations on male students to perform on the academic level, the pressure to live to societal and or family expectations, or unequal perceptions and reporting of stress. However, due to the small scale of the difference, it should be considered with caution, and a new study is advised.

Overall, the discussion highlights that the popular beliefs about predictors of academic stress, including academic resilience and gender, might not be consistent across the context. The results also point out the relevance of considering environmental, cultural, and systemic factors in the studies of academic stress among adolescents.

4.2 Conclusion

This paper concludes that academic resilience is not a significant predictor of academic stress in in-school adolescents in Ibadan, Oyo state. Similarly, the gender does not have noticeable effects on the academic stress levels among this group of people. The findings, therefore, dispute existing hypotheses that academic resilience is an inherent buffer to academic stress and that there is gender difference in stress everywhere. Since the issue of academic stress continues to attract the attention of in-school adolescents, it is clear that additional factors, including parental expectations, the school climate, instructional practises, and personal strategies of coping, might have a stronger impact on the stress experiences of students.

4.3 Recommendations

Counselling and Support Services: Schools should support counselling services that help the in-school adolescents develop personalised, pragmatic stress management strategies, as opposed to using resilience-building interventions.

Whole Academic Policies: School administrators are expected to champion equitable academic policies that reduce overworking and integrate extra-curricular activities that enhance psychological health of the students.

Gender-Neutral Stress Management Interventions: Since there was no significant gender predicted academic stress, stress management programmes must be designed on an inclusive basis, which is able to help all students without favouring certain gender categories.

Parental Involvement: The parents must also be informed about the effects of academic stress and made to be supportive of the home environment where encouragement and understanding are promoted instead of the undue pressure.

Future research: Future research ought to examine other causes of academic stress, such as socioeconomic status, type of school, peer pressure and family life to provide a more complete picture of the factors that contribute to the occurrence of academic stress among adolescent students in Ibadan.

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Mindfulness in Stress Management: A Narrative Review from Buddhist and Modern Psychological Perspectives

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Hiếu, P. T. (2026). Mindfulness in Stress Management: A Narrative Review from Buddhist and Modern Psychological Perspectives. International Journal of Research, 13(3), 41–52. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijr/4

Phí Thị Hiếu

Associate Professor PhD, Thai Nguyen University of Education, Thai Nguyen, Vietnam

Abstract

Mindfulness has become an influential construct in contemporary stress management research and practice, particularly within psychological and clinical contexts. However, its conceptual roots in Buddhist traditions and the implications of this origin for modern applications are often insufficiently examined. This narrative review aims to synthesize and critically analyze the literature on mindfulness in stress management from the complementary perspectives of Buddhism and modern psychology. Relevant peer-reviewed articles and scholarly books were identified through searches of PsycINFO, PubMed, Scopus, and Google Scholar. The selected literature was analyzed using thematic and interpretive synthesis to identify key conceptual frameworks, theoretical models, and empirical findings. The results indicate that mindfulness contributes to stress reduction primarily through enhanced present-moment awareness, improved emotional regulation, and reduced cognitive reactivity. While modern psychological approaches emphasize measurable outcomes and intervention efficacy, Buddhist perspectives conceptualize mindfulness as part of a broader ethical and wisdom-based path addressing the root causes of suffering. Integrating these perspectives offers a more comprehensive understanding of mindfulness and supports the development of theoretically grounded and culturally sensitive stress management interventions. The review further highlights implications for theory, practice, and policy, suggesting that mindfulness-informed approaches may play a valuable role in mental health, education, and public health strategies when implemented with appropriate conceptual and ethical foundations.

Keywords: mindfulness; stress management; Buddhist psychology; modern psychology; narrative review

1. Introduction

Stress has become a defining feature of contemporary life and a central construct in psychological theories of health and adaptation. Beyond transient discomfort, chronic stress has been consistently linked to a wide range of adverse physical and mental health outcomes, including anxiety disorders, depression, cardiovascular disease, and diminished quality of life. Classical stress theory conceptualizes stress not merely as an external pressure but as a dynamic process involving cognitive appraisal and coping, through which individuals interpret and respond to environmental demands (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). From this perspective, stress occupies a pivotal position in psychological theory because it represents a point of convergence between cognition, emotion, and behavior, making it a theoretically grounded focus for examining psychological functioning rather than a generic indicator of well-being.

Within this theoretical landscape, mindfulness has emerged as one of the most influential approaches to stress management in contemporary psychology. Commonly defined as a mode of nonjudgmental awareness of present-moment experience, mindfulness has been associated with improved emotional regulation, reduced stress reactivity, and enhanced psychological well-being (Bishop et al., 2004; Brown & Ryan, 2003). These conceptualizations have informed the development of mindfulness-based interventions, most notably Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR), which was explicitly designed to address stress-related suffering and has demonstrated effectiveness across clinical and non-clinical populations (Kabat-Zinn, 1990; Grossman et al., 2004). Importantly, the prominence of stress—rather than general well-being—as the primary target of these interventions reflects mindfulness’s theoretical alignment with models of appraisal, coping, and emotion regulation.

Despite its widespread adoption in psychological research and practice, mindfulness did not originate within modern psychological science. Its conceptual foundations can be traced to early Buddhist contemplative traditions, in which mindfulness (sati) occupies a central role in understanding and alleviating suffering (dukkha). Within the Buddhist framework, particularly as articulated in the Satipaṭṭhāna discourse, mindfulness is embedded within a broader path of ethical conduct, mental discipline, and insight, aimed not merely at reducing distress but at transforming habitual patterns of perception and reactivity that give rise to suffering (Anālayo, 2003). From this perspective, stress is not treated as an isolated symptom but as an expression of deeper cognitive and affective processes rooted in craving, aversion, and ignorance (Thich Nhat Hanh, 1998).

The growing integration of mindfulness into psychological stress management, however, has generated significant conceptual debate. Critics have argued that contemporary applications risk reducing mindfulness to a decontextualized technique, detached from its ethical and philosophical foundations—a phenomenon often described as “McMindfulness” (Purser & Loy, 2013). Others have raised concerns regarding secularization and cultural appropriation, suggesting that the translation of mindfulness into clinical and organizational settings may oversimplify or distort its original aims (Purser, 2019). These critiques are particularly salient in the context of stress management, where mindfulness is frequently framed as an individual coping tool, potentially obscuring broader social, relational, and ethical dimensions of stress.

Against this backdrop, there is a need for a critical synthesis that does not merely summarize empirical findings but interrogates how mindfulness is conceptualized, operationalized, and justified as a response to stress across disciplinary traditions. A narrative review is especially appropriate for this purpose, as it allows for theoretical comparison, conceptual clarification, and critical reflection on underlying assumptions that may not be captured through systematic or meta-analytic approaches alone.

Accordingly, this article aims to provide a narrative review of mindfulness in stress management from the complementary perspectives of Buddhist thought and modern psychology. By examining how each tradition conceptualizes stress, suffering, and the role of mindfulness, the review seeks to illuminate points of convergence and divergence, assess the implications of contemporary adaptations, and identify directions for more theoretically coherent and ethically informed applications of mindfulness in stress management research and practice.

2. Methods

This study employed a narrative review design to synthesize and critically examine existing literature on mindfulness in stress management from the perspectives of Buddhism and modern psychology. A narrative review approach was selected because the aim of this study was not to quantify intervention effects or to exhaustively aggregate empirical findings, but rather to provide a conceptual, theoretical, and integrative analysis of mindfulness across disciplinary and cultural contexts.

A comprehensive literature search was conducted to identify relevant scholarly publications related to mindfulness, stress, stress management, Buddhist psychology, and mindfulness-based interventions. The search was performed using major academic databases, including PsycINFO, PubMed, Scopus, and Google Scholar.

Key search terms included combinations of the following keywords: mindfulness, stress management, stress, coping, Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction, Buddhist mindfulness, sati, Satipaṭṭhāna, and psychological well-being. Boolean operators (AND, OR) were used to refine the search. Reference lists of key articles and books were also manually screened to identify additional relevant sources.

The literature was selected based on the following inclusion criteria:
(1) peer-reviewed journal articles or scholarly books;

(2) publications addressing mindfulness conceptually, theoretically, or empirically in relation to stress or stress management;

(3) works grounded in either Buddhist traditions, modern psychological theories, or both;

(4) publications written in English.

Exclusion criteria included:

(1) non-scholarly sources such as blogs, opinion pieces, or unpublished manuscripts;
(2) studies focusing on mindfulness without conceptual relevance to stress or coping; and
(3) publications lacking sufficient theoretical or empirical grounding.

Given the narrative nature of the review, no restrictions were imposed on study design, and both empirical and theoretical works were considered.

Following the identification of relevant literature, sources were read and analyzed to extract key themes related to the conceptualization of mindfulness, theoretical models of stress and coping, and applications of mindfulness in stress management. Rather than statistical aggregation, the synthesis was conducted through thematic and interpretive analysis, allowing for comparison and integration of perspectives from Buddhist teachings and modern psychological frameworks.

Particular attention was given to foundational texts and influential empirical studies that have shaped contemporary understandings of mindfulness, such as early Buddhist analyses of mindfulness practice (Anālayo, 2003) and psychological models of mindfulness-based interventions (Kabat-Zinn, 1990; Bishop et al., 2004). The findings were organized thematically to highlight conceptual convergences, divergences, and complementary insights between the two traditions.

To enhance methodological rigor and transparency, the review process was documented systematically, including database selection, search terms, and inclusion criteria. Although this study does not follow a systematic review protocol, efforts were made to ensure a balanced and representative selection of influential and widely cited sources. The narrative synthesis emphasizes clarity of argumentation, explicit theoretical positioning, and critical reflection to minimize subjective bias.

3. Results

The narrative synthesis of the reviewed literature revealed a complex and multilayered understanding of mindfulness in relation to stress management, reflecting both convergence and divergence between Buddhist traditions and modern psychological frameworks. Across the selected sources, mindfulness consistently emerged as a central mechanism influencing how individuals perceive, experience, and respond to stress. However, the conceptual scope, underlying assumptions, and intended outcomes of mindfulness varied substantially depending on the theoretical context in which it was situated.

Within modern psychological literature, mindfulness is predominantly conceptualized as a psychological capacity or skill that facilitates present-moment awareness and emotional regulation. Foundational definitions describe mindfulness as purposeful attention to current experiences, characterized by openness, acceptance, and nonjudgment (Bishop et al., 2004). Empirical studies have demonstrated that individuals with higher levels of dispositional mindfulness tend to report lower perceived stress, reduced emotional reactivity, and greater psychological well-being (Brown & Ryan, 2003). These findings suggest that mindfulness functions as a moderating factor that alters the relationship between stressors and psychological outcomes by reducing automatic cognitive and emotional responses.

A major theme identified in the literature concerns the role of mindfulness in modifying stress appraisal and coping processes. Classical stress theories emphasize that stress responses are shaped not only by external demands but also by individuals’ cognitive appraisals and coping strategies (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Mindfulness appears to influence these processes by increasing awareness of automatic appraisals and by fostering a more flexible and less reactive stance toward stressors. Rather than attempting to eliminate stressors, mindfulness facilitates a shift in how stress is experienced, allowing individuals to observe stressful thoughts and sensations without becoming overwhelmed by them.

The effectiveness of mindfulness-based interventions constitutes another prominent theme in the reviewed literature. Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction, one of the most extensively studied programs, was originally developed to support individuals coping with chronic stress, pain, and illness (Kabat-Zinn, 1990). Subsequent empirical research and meta-analytic findings indicate that mindfulness-based interventions are associated with significant reductions in stress-related symptoms, as well as improvements in psychological and physical health outcomes (Grossman et al., 2004). These effects have been observed across diverse populations, suggesting that mindfulness-based approaches have broad applicability as stress management strategies.

Beyond outcome-focused research, conceptual reviews highlight that mindfulness training influences fundamental cognitive and emotional processes. Baer (2003) emphasized that mindfulness contributes to increased acceptance, reduced experiential avoidance, and enhanced metacognitive awareness. These processes are particularly relevant in the context of stress, as they reduce tendencies toward rumination, suppression, and maladaptive coping. From this perspective, mindfulness supports stress management not by controlling or suppressing stress responses, but by transforming individuals’ relationships to their internal experiences.

In contrast to the functional and outcome-oriented emphasis of modern psychology, Buddhist perspectives present mindfulness as an integral element of a comprehensive framework for understanding and alleviating suffering. Early Buddhist teachings situate mindfulness (sati) within the path of mental cultivation, where it is systematically developed through practices such as the Four Foundations of Mindfulness (Anālayo, 2003). These practices involve sustained observation of bodily sensations, feelings, mental states, and mental phenomena, with the aim of cultivating insight into the impermanent and conditioned nature of experience.

From the Buddhist viewpoint, stress and psychological distress are not merely responses to external pressures but manifestations of deeper cognitive and emotional patterns rooted in craving, aversion, and ignorance. Mindfulness, therefore, serves a diagnostic and transformative function by bringing these patterns into awareness. Anālayo (2003) emphasized that mindfulness practice fosters clarity and discernment, enabling practitioners to recognize the arising and passing away of stressful experiences without identification or attachment. In this framework, stress management is not an isolated goal but a natural outcome of a broader process of insight and mental purification.

Another salient theme in Buddhist sources concerns the ethical and existential dimensions of mindfulness. Thich Nhat Hanh (1998) described mindfulness as inseparable from ethical awareness, compassion, and right understanding. Mindfulness practice is understood as a way of living attentively and responsibly, rather than merely a technique for symptom reduction. From this perspective, the alleviation of stress is closely linked to changes in lifestyle, values, and relational patterns, suggesting a more holistic approach to psychological well-being.

Comparative analysis across the reviewed literature revealed significant points of convergence between Buddhist and psychological approaches. Both traditions emphasize the cultivation of awareness and the reduction of habitual reactivity as central to managing stress. Both recognize that stress is amplified by unexamined cognitive and emotional patterns, and that mindfulness can interrupt these patterns by fostering a more reflective and accepting stance. These shared principles help explain why mindfulness-based practices, rooted in Buddhist traditions, have been successfully adapted into contemporary psychological interventions.

At the same time, notable divergences were identified in terms of goals, scope, and evaluative criteria. Modern psychological models typically frame mindfulness within a health and well-being paradigm, emphasizing measurable outcomes such as reduced stress, improved mood, and enhanced functioning. In contrast, Buddhist approaches situate mindfulness within a soteriological framework aimed at the cessation of suffering in a deeper and more existential sense (Anālayo, 2003; Thich Nhat Hanh, 1998). These differing orientations influence how mindfulness is taught, practiced, and assessed, and may account for variations in program structure and expected outcomes.

The synthesis also revealed limitations and gaps within the existing body of research. While empirical studies provide robust evidence for the effectiveness of mindfulness-based interventions in reducing stress, relatively few works explicitly engage with Buddhist conceptual frameworks beyond superficial references. Ethical considerations and philosophical foundations emphasized in Buddhist teachings are often underrepresented in psychological models, potentially narrowing the conceptualization of mindfulness. This gap suggests opportunities for further interdisciplinary dialogue and theoretical integration.

Overall, the reviewed literature indicates that mindfulness plays a significant role in stress management across both Buddhist and modern psychological contexts, albeit with differing emphases and underlying assumptions. The findings highlight the value of examining mindfulness through an integrative lens that acknowledges both its empirical effectiveness in stress reduction and its deeper conceptual foundations rooted in Buddhist traditions.

4. Discussion

The findings of this narrative review indicate that mindfulness occupies a complex and contested position in contemporary stress management, functioning simultaneously as an empirically supported psychological mechanism and as a concept rooted in a broader ethical–philosophical tradition. While the convergence between Buddhist and psychological perspectives around attentional awareness and reduced reactivity helps explain the effectiveness of mindfulness-based interventions, this convergence should not obscure important theoretical divergences that carry significant implications for both research and practice.

From the standpoint of stress theory, mindfulness aligns well with transactional models that emphasize appraisal and coping processes. Psychological conceptualizations typically frame mindfulness as a self-regulatory capacity that modifies how stressors are perceived and responded to, thereby attenuating maladaptive emotional and physiological reactions (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Bishop et al., 2004). This functional interpretation has enabled mindfulness to be operationalized, measured, and integrated into evidence-based interventions. However, such instrumental framing also narrows the construct, privileging outcomes related to stress reduction while bracketing broader questions concerning meaning, values, and ethical orientation.

In contrast, Buddhist perspectives conceptualize mindfulness not as a neutral attentional skill but as a component of a comprehensive path of mental cultivation aimed at understanding the causes of suffering. Within this framework, stress is not merely a response to external demands but an expression of deeply ingrained cognitive and affective patterns, including attachment and aversion (Anālayo, 2003). Mindfulness, therefore, is inseparable from ethical discipline and insight, and its stress-reducing effects are understood as secondary consequences of more fundamental transformations in perception and conduct. This divergence challenges contemporary psychological models to consider whether prevailing definitions of mindfulness adequately reflect its theoretical origins or whether they represent a selective appropriation shaped by pragmatic and methodological constraints.

The tendency to abstract mindfulness from its ethical foundations has been increasingly criticized in the literature. When mindfulness is presented as a value-neutral technique for managing stress, it risks being reduced to a form of psychological palliative care that facilitates individual adaptation without questioning the broader conditions that generate stress. Such simplification may inadvertently support what critics describe as the commodification or instrumentalization of mindfulness, where practices are deployed to enhance productivity or resilience while leaving systemic sources of stress unexamined. From a Buddhist-informed perspective, this represents a substantive misalignment, as mindfulness divorced from ethical intention may sharpen awareness without necessarily reducing suffering.

These concerns are particularly relevant for mindfulness-based interventions such as MBSR, which have been widely disseminated across clinical, educational, and organizational contexts. Although these programs demonstrate robust short-term benefits, their long-term impact may be constrained if mindfulness practice is not accompanied by reflection on intention, values, and relational responsibility. The review suggests that interventions emphasizing technique over ethical orientation may produce uneven outcomes, especially when participants engage mindfulness primarily as a tool for performance optimization rather than self-understanding. This raises critical questions about the assumptions underpinning intervention design and the criteria by which effectiveness is evaluated.

Conceptual ambiguity further complicates the field. Variability in how mindfulness is defined and measured contributes to inconsistencies across studies and obscures theoretically meaningful distinctions between different forms of practice. Buddhist analyses of mindfulness emphasize the quality of attention, the presence of ethical discernment, and the cultivation of insight across bodily, emotional, and cognitive domains (Anālayo, 2003). Incorporating these dimensions into psychological models may enhance construct validity and clarify why superficially similar interventions yield divergent outcomes in stress-related research.

Taken together, these findings suggest that integration between Buddhist and psychological perspectives should not aim for conceptual homogenization but for critical dialogue. Rather than selectively adopting elements of mindfulness that are easiest to operationalize, future research should engage more explicitly with the ethical and philosophical assumptions embedded in different models of stress management. Such engagement may help prevent conceptual dilution and support the development of interventions that address not only the immediate experience of stress but also its deeper psychological and existential foundations.

5. Conclusion and Policy Implications

This narrative review synthesized Buddhist and modern psychological perspectives on mindfulness in stress management, highlighting both their conceptual convergence and distinctive emphases. The reviewed literature demonstrates that mindfulness consistently contributes to stress reduction by enhancing present-moment awareness, improving emotional regulation, and reducing maladaptive cognitive patterns such as rumination and experiential avoidance. While modern psychological research has largely operationalized mindfulness as a secular, skills-based intervention with measurable outcomes, Buddhist traditions conceptualize mindfulness as an integral component of a broader ethical and wisdom-based path aimed at alleviating the root causes of suffering. The integration of these perspectives offers a more comprehensive understanding of mindfulness, positioning it not only as a stress management technique but also as a transformative process influencing cognition, emotion, and behavior over time.

From a theoretical standpoint, the findings suggest that contemporary models of stress and coping may benefit from incorporating insights from Buddhist psychology, particularly regarding impermanence, non-attachment, and ethical intentionality. Such integration can deepen conceptual clarity and address ongoing debates concerning the definition, scope, and mechanisms of mindfulness. At the applied level, mindfulness-based interventions may achieve greater sustainability and cultural sensitivity when they acknowledge both their empirical foundations and their contemplative roots.

The findings of this review carry several policy implications. In the fields of mental health and public health, policymakers may consider supporting the inclusion of evidence-based mindfulness programs as complementary approaches within stress prevention and mental well-being strategies, particularly in educational, workplace, and healthcare settings. In education policy, mindfulness-informed curricula may be integrated not merely as relaxation techniques but as tools for cultivating emotional regulation, attention, and ethical awareness among students. In healthcare policy, training standards for mindfulness-based interventions could emphasize practitioner competence, ethical grounding, and contextual adaptation to avoid superficial or inappropriate applications. Finally, research policy may encourage interdisciplinary collaboration between psychology, neuroscience, religious studies, and contemplative traditions to foster theoretically grounded and culturally responsible mindfulness research.

Overall, positioning mindfulness at the intersection of Buddhist wisdom and modern psychological science provides a robust framework for advancing both theory and practice in stress management. Such an integrative approach holds promise for informing future research, guiding responsible application, and shaping policies that promote sustainable psychological well-being.

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Using Cinema to Change Nigeria’s Environmental Policies through the Polluter Pays Principle in Environmental Assessment

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Ogbuke, M. U. (2026). Using Cinema to Change Nigeria’s Environmental Policies through the Polluter Pays Principle in Environmental Assessment. International Journal of Research, 13(3), 30–40. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijr/3

Ogbuke, Martha Uchenna

Department of Sociology and Anthropology,

Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Agbani

Email: uche.ogbuke@esut.edu.ng

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0006-9055-565X

ABSTRACT

Nigeria’s environmental crisis demands quick policy reforms since it is caused by gas flaring, oil spills, and loose application of the polluter pays principle (PPP). This article explores how Cinema, Nigeria’s influential film sector, may magnify public awareness and motivate government to execute the PPP efficiently. Cinema underutilises environmental campaigning despite its global reach, frequently oversimplifying systemic issues or avoiding criticisms of institutional and corporate accountability. This study identifies limitations in PPP enforcement and opportunities for storytelling to reframe pollution as a solvable injustice. Corporate influence, weak institutions, and cultural narratives normalising environmental degradation further inhibit development. These problems are made worse by international streaming services, which prioritise entertainment over action, weakening crucial messages. The article concludes that Nigerians and people around the world can be motivated to seek a cleaner, more equitable future by using cinema’s storytelling power.

KEYWORDS: Cinema, Environmental policy, Policy framework, Environmental degradation

INTRODUCTION

There is an immediate need to address the environmental conditions in various sections of Nigeria. Oil spills have harmed farmlands and water sources. People have trouble breathing due to the toxic pollutants from gas flaring (Tran, 2024). The terrain is becoming desolate and susceptible to erosion due to the startling rate at which forests are being destroyed. These concerns are not only environmental, they effect people’s lives. Homes are lost by families. Farmers cannot grow crops. Children drink contaminated water. The harm is prevalent, and it continues growing worse. The “polluter pays principle” (PPP) is a solution that has succeeded elsewhere. It states that those who cause pollution should foot the bill for cleanup (Al Kamzari, 2024). This principle is part of international regulations and agreements. But in Nigeria, it remains more of a theory than a reality. Businesses continue to pollute without facing severe consequences. Although laws are in place, they are not well enforced. People suffer while polluters are unpunished.

But there’s hope. Cinema, Nigeria’s burgeoning film industry, might hold the key to change. The Nigerian Patriotriot (2024) claims that the film industry is the second biggest globally. Its films are seen throughout Africa and beyond. The stories usually depict issues that exist in real life, such as injustice, corruption, and poverty. Cinema has a way of connecting with people. It speaks their language, literally and figuratively.

This essay explores how films can help put the polluter pays principle into practice. Telling stories about pollution and its implications, filmmakers can promote awareness. They can illustrate the human cost of environmental catastrophe. And they may pressure leaders to enforce rules that defend the environment. The objective is to convert Cinema’s storytelling power into a weapon for policy change. Nigeria’s environmental predicament is complicated. It involves oil businesses, government agencies, and local communities. However, it is fundamentally about equity. Why should poor farmers bear any of the costs associated with oil spills? Why should children suffer because of gas flaring? The polluter pays principle offers a way to remedy these inequities. And Cinema may play a part in making that happen.
Cinema’s significance cannot be emphasised. Every day, millions of Nigerians watch its films. They are presented on TVs, phones, and in impromptu cinemas. According to Iheka (2013), Cinema creates stories that resonate with regular people. It acknowledges their struggles and honours their resiliency. Social issues like inequality and corruption are already covered in a lot of films. So why not the environment? Think of a movie that shows the impact of an oil spill on a fishing village. As the rivers turn dark, the narrative can revolve on a family losing their source of subsistence. Imagine watching a film on gas flaring, where the smoke causes respiratory issues in children. These tales are true in places like the Niger Delta; they are not made up. However, when presented in a movie, they become effective instruments for transformation.
Cinema has the potential to stimulate conversations. It can make people worry about topics they might otherwise dismiss. Additionally, when people care, they put pressure on lawmakers to take action, laws are upheld, and change is made possible. Environmental deterioration is not solely Nigeria’s problem; it is a worldwide issue. Deforestation contributes to climate change, and pollution kills millions worldwide every year (Leon et al., 2022). Everyone agrees that the polluter pays concept is a just way to deal with these issues. However, execution differs from nation to nation.

The lack of enforcement in Nigeria results from a number of problems. Corruption plays a big impact, and so does the influence of powerful corporations. Local communities frequently lack the resources to fight back because they are left to deal with the consequences alone (Babatunde, 2020). Cinema may help shift the scales by bringing attention to these problems, which will ultimately empower communities. This imbalance needs to be corrected. It can inspire campaigners. It may even shame firms into doing the right thing because stories have power; They alter how we see the world.

CINEMA’S UNREALISED POTENTIAL FOR POLICY ADVOCACY

Cinema’s films are seen across Africa and beyond. They shape how individuals think about issues like corruption, love, and family struggles. But when it comes to environmental challenges, Cinema has not really been at the front burner. Pollution, oil spills, and gas flaring are rarely central issues. Even when films touch on these subjects, they just touch the surface. For example, a movie can blame a greedy “oil boss” for destroying a hamlet. Dramatic storytelling results from this, but it sidesteps more important issues. Who permits these bosses to function? Why do laws fail to stop pollution? These structural issues go unexplored. Viewers see a villain, but they don’t understand how laws could make actual organisations answerable.
This matters because stories impact beliefs. Cultivation theory states that frequent exposure to media alters how people interpret the world (Lai, 2015). If films only depict bad people doing terrible things, viewers might believe that punishing “bad guys” is the solution to pollution. They will not understand the necessity for systemic changes, including enforcing the polluter pays principle (PPP). Cinema has the tools to change this. Its films thrive on relatable characters and local concerns. Imagine a narrative about a community opposing an oil firm. A character might explain how gas flaring violates people’s health rights, or the narrative could demonstrate how inadequate fines absolve polluters. These tales could drive public demand for policy action.
But Cinema generally avoids such complexity. Environmental issues are downplayed or reduced to basic good-vs-evil narratives. This reflects a broader trend: filmmakers focus on commercial drama rather than sophisticated advocacy (Khitrov, 2024). There is no denying the industry’s reach. Cinema films are accessible, affordable, and enjoyed widely, even in remote locations. They fill in literacy and linguistic deficiencies. However, this authority is not used to advance environmental justice.

However, there are exceptions. Some films touch on oil pollution’s repercussions, such Black November (2012), which exposes Niger Delta difficulties. However, these are uncommon. Most stories lack substance or actionable answers. This gap is a squandered opportunity. By making pollution a household issue, films might put pressure on decision-makers. If audiences connect environmental harm to policy failings, they might demand tighter enforcement of the PPP. Filmmakers could cooperate with activists or agencies like NOSDRA to assure accuracy. They could also illustrate real situations when the PPP worked or failed. A movie might, for example, compare a town that receives compensation for oil spills (per PPP) with another that suffers because of corruption.

It is crucial to additionally highlight that discussing systemic concerns risks reaction from influential industries. Filmmakers may worry about censorship or financial loss. Nevertheless, the promise remains. Cinema has influenced cultural perceptions before. It normalised conversations about HIV/AIDS and gender injustice through cinema. Environmental policy may experience the same thing (Mango, 2023). To do this, filmmakers need to transcend beyond basic villains. They must show how institutions, not just individuals, enable pollution. This calls for investigation, bravery, and expert cooperation. The payoff might be significant. A compelling narrative about the costs of pollution might inspire communities, embarrass businesses, and compel legislators to take action. Cinema’s storytelling power might take the polluter pays principle from a nebulous idea into a reality.

WEAK ENFORCEMENT WEAKENS POLUTER PAYS PRINCIPLE

It seems nonetheless that the Nigeria’s environmental laws theoretically support the polluter pays principle (PPP). The concept is clear: individuals who cause pollution must bear cleanup costs and compensate sufferers. But in practice, this rule exists primarily on paper. Consider oil spills. Companies like Shell or Chevron often pay little to nothing for destroying land and water (Josiah & Akpuh, 2022). Fines are lowand infrequently enforced. Even when organisations like the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA) issue penalties, corporations ignore them (Amnesty International, 2020). They realise the government lacks the power or motivation

to collect.
Agencies supposed to enforce PPP are underfunded and understaffed. For instance, NOSDRA finds it difficult to keep an eye on oil-rich areas like the Niger Delta. They rely on antiquated equipment and have limited workers to inspect thousands of kilometres of pipes. Communities have to wait years for assistance when spills occur. Crops are lost by farmers. Rivers become black, and fishermen watch. Yet polluters face no actual penalties. Victims are also let down by the system. Although PPP mandates that businesses pay impacted communities (Aragão, 2022), this rarely occurs. study by Ojum (2025) demonstrates that oil spill victims in the Niger Delta rarely received any reimbursement. Families are stuck in poverty as a result of several lawsuits that drag on in court for decades.

However, the issue is more complex. The Nigerian government frequently contributes to pollution. State-owned refineries and pipelines leak often, yet no agency holds them accountable. This double standard diminishes public trust. If the government ignores its own regulations, why should corporations obey? Weak enforcement produces a loop of harm. Companies consider fines as a minor cost of doing business. Study found that oil businesses in Nigeria spend more on legal expenditures to delay penalties than on actual cleanup (Olujobi, 2023). Meanwhile, pollution worsens. Gas flaring – a practice forbidden in many nations, persists unchecked, contaminating the air and causing respiratory ailments.

Communities are left to cope. Villagers in certain Niger Delta states drink from oil-coated ponds. Children in Rivers State play near rusted pipelines. These stories are widespread, nevertheless, they do not generate headlines rapidly. Without enforcement, PPP is a hollow promise. The lack of political will is clear. According to Olalekan et al. (2019), environmental authorities are frequently underfunded to the point of being irrelevant. A 2023 audit revealed that NOSDRA’s budget was less than 1% of what oil corporations paid in annual taxes. This mismatch ensures that polluters stay in control.

Even when laws are changed, implementation lags. Stricter fines for gas flaring were part of Nigeria’s 2022 Petroleum Industry Act (Borha & Olujobi, 2023). But as of 2025, no corporation has been penalised under the new guidelines. This indicates that laws alone cannot remedy systematic neglect. The ramifications of this failure are worldwide. Nigeria’s oil sector fuels climate change, although the country’s environmental rules are among the least implemented in Africa (Elenwo & Akankali, 2014). The polluter pays idea, a cornerstone of worldwide sustainability efforts, is reduced to a catchphrase here. Until enforcement improves, communities will keep paying the price. Farmers will lose livelihoods; children will drink polluted water; and businesses will keep earning, knowing they can pollute without paying.

GLOBAL STREAMING PLATFORMS AS DOUBLE-EDGED SWORDS

Nigerian stories are now accessible to viewers throughout the world thanks to worldwide streaming services like Netflix, Amazon Prime, and iRokotv. These technologies give unequalled access, with many Nigerian filmmakers currently distributing films directly through streaming sites (Simon, 2022). Movies that were previously only available in local theatres or on unauthorised DVDs are now shown in Europe, Asia and the Americas. This shift has boosted Cinema’s global popularity, with platforms aggressively pushing African stories as part of their content ambitions (Jedlowski, 2022). But this visibility comes at a cost. In order to appeal to a wider audience, streaming services frequently dilute environmental concerns in favour of entertainment value over action. For example, a film showing oil spills in the Niger Delta can focus on interpersonal conflict or personal resilience rather than systemic corporate misconduct. This sanitisation strips questions of their political urgency. A nasty “oil boss” becomes an easy scapegoat, while systemic problems like poor application of the polluter pays principle (PPP), remain unchecked.

The impulse to sanitise stems from platform algorithms and audience expectations. Global viewers often seek amusement or relatable drama, not gloomy exposés of environmental devastation. According to a 2024 study, films with “universal themes”—such love and family—trend higher on Netflix Nigeria than films with specialised subjects, including gas flaring (Ndu, 2024). Filmmakers, in turn, develop content to gain spots on selected lists like “Top 10 in Nigeria,” which ensure publicity.

This dynamic risks reducing Cinema’s potential to push legislative change. While films might humanise environmental calamities, their muted critiques fail to hold institutions accountable. For instance, a movie might represent a neighbourhood suffering from polluted water without naming the corporations involved or denouncing low fines (e.g., $2 per 1,000 cubic feet for gas flaring). Audiences identify with characters but remain oblivious of the underlying reasons of their sorrow. Streaming platforms also implement indirect censorship. To retain agreements with advertisers or sponsors associated to extractive industries, platforms may deprioritize films that criticise corporate activity.

However, there are opposing opportunities because to the growth of direct-to-streaming delivery. By uploading videos to websites like YouTube or Kwese TV, independent filmmakers get beyond conventional gatekeepers. These producers generally challenge environmental injustice more openly, leveraging viral algorithms to attract niche audiences. It may be stated that streaming’s “double-edged sword” paralleled Cinema’s bigger ambiguities. The sector relies on worldwide collaborations but risks losing its local identity. To maximum impact, filmmakers must balance market demands with advocacy. Collaborations with environmental NGOs might promote documentaries that blend storytelling with valuable data. For instance, a video co-produced with Nigeria’s Health of Mother Earth Foundation can use real-life pollution numbers to anchor its story and make the PPP’s significance evident.

CULTURAL NARRATIVES NORMALISE DAMAGE TO THE ENVIRONMENT

Polluted landscapes are frequently shown in films as unavoidable aspects of everyday life. Scenes like oily rivers, smoke-filled sky, or bleak farmlands abound in films without critique. These graphics provide a subtle message that environmental devastation is routine, inescapable, and beyond human control. For example, films based in the Niger Delta, such The Liquid Black Gold (2010), portray communities living among oil spills and gas flares. However, these situations are hardly ever presented as unfair. Instead, they are depicted as impartial backdrops to human drama. This normalisation has real-world effects. When audiences frequently see pollution portrayed as “just the way things are,” they tend to accept it as unchangeable. According to a study examining the influence of cinema, films influence how people see social reality, particularly in oral cultures where public discourse is dominated by narrative (Frank, 2017). Through the lack of critiques of polluters or remedies like the PPP, Cinema unwittingly reinforces resignation. Communities come to believe that they are solely responsible for the costs associated with pollution.

But this is not just a backdrop, it’s a choice. Consider Oloibiri (2016), a film about Nigeria’s first oil well. It exposes how oil production ruined a Niger Delta hamlet, although the story focuses on human suffering rather than structural accountability. The story generates pity but stops short of critiquing practices that help businesses dodge responsibility. This resonates with broader tendencies where Cinema typically personalises environmental harm, condemning “bad actors” instead of investigating broken institutions. Even cultural emblems are co-opted. Some films depict deities or ancestral spirits related to trees and rivers, casting environmental loss as a spiritual catastrophe. While this adds emotional weight, it also risks shifting blame to supernatural forces, while absolving human decision-makers. For instance, if a dirty river is perceived as a god’s curse, viewers may feel powerless to demand cleanup efforts.
These narratives’ lack of urgency reflects Nigeria’s policy lethargy. When films portray pollution as background noise, they mirror a society where fines for gas flaring remain modest ($2 per 1,000 cubic feet) and authorities like NOSDRA lack enforcement ability. Audiences internalise this existing quo. A research on media influence highlights that film images of corruption and poverty shape viewers’ assumption that this is how the world operates (Keenaghan, & Reilly, 2017).

Nevertheless, Cinema’s storytelling potential could alter this loop. Imagine videos that contrast images of responsibility with contaminated landscapes. A scene depicting a town successfully suing an oil firm, or a regulator actually collecting fines may reframe pollution as a solved problem. This corresponds with the PPP’s underlying notion that harm is not inevitable, and polluters must pay. These stories humanise the situation, making abstract solutions like the PPP feel essential. For example, a character calculating medical expenditures from breathing harmful vapours could cause outrage that forces officials to act.

The difficulty lies in striking a balance between amusement and criticism. Relatable stories, not lectures, are what make films so successful. But even modest alterations matter. Dinner table arguments could be sparked by a nasty politician who dismisses a spill cleanup. A plotline about a whistleblower revealing corporate malfeasance can inspire real-world reporting. According to Finney (2018), Cultural narratives are not static. They change when storytellers choose to challenge, not just reflect, existing standards. Reframing environmental degradation as a human-made catastrophe, and the PPP as a vehicle for justice; Cinema may turn passive audiences into champions. The purpose is not to lecture but to spark the thinking on why are we accepting this and what can we do to change it.

CONCLUSION

Nigeria’s environmental catastrophe demands urgent response. The PPP offers a path forward, but its success depends on public pressure and political resolve. Cinema, with its cultural influence, may bridge the gap between policy and practice by making environmental justice accessible and significant. Movies have the capacity to humanise difficult themes. They can show the real faces of those affected by pollution, such as towns suffocating on poisonous air, farmers losing their land, and kids drinking contaminated water. By doing this, directors are able to transform the storyline from impersonal laws to relevant personal tales. This emotional connection is vital to generating change.

But cinema can’t achieve it by itself. For the industry to have the most impact, filmmakers must collaborate with environmental experts, activists, and politicians. Together, they can ensure that the stories conveyed are not only compelling but also genuine and actionable. This partnership might lead to films that teach while they delight, prompting conversations that push for accountability. Another level of possibilities is created by the global reach of services like Netflix. While these platforms often put entertainment above activism, they also offer a chance to communicate Nigeria’s environmental challenges to foreign audiences. A well-crafted film may throw a focus on crises like gas flaring or oil spills, drawing global attention and potentially pressuring corporations and governments to act.

However, troubles remain. The PPP’s implementation is nevertheless impeded by corporate involvement and insufficient enforcement. Cinema itself faces risks if it takes on huge industries. However, history reveals that storytelling has always been a means of bringing about social change. From literature to entertainment, stories have shaped how communities view injustice and create solutions. In the end, the objective is clear: to make environmental justice a common duty. Cinema’s contribution in this endeavour is both distinctive and vital. Through the employment of its storytelling power, the industry can persuade Nigerians, and the globe to demand a cleaner, fairer future.

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Exploring the Place of the AU in Fighting Organised Crime in Africa

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Citation

Nwokoroeze, C. N. (2026). Exploring the Place of the AU in Fighting Organised Crime in Africa. International Journal of Research, 13(3), 18–29. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijr/2

Nwokoroeze, Chinonye Nnenna

Department of Political Science,

Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Agbani Email: chinonye.nwokoroeze@esut.edu.ng

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0008-0449-9036

Abstract

The African continent faces a persistent and expanding threat from organised crime. These criminal networks operate across borders, harming peace, security, and economy. The AU has taken on a critical mission to address these complex concerns. A rising understanding of the interdependence of stability and development throughout the continent is reflected in its shift from a non-interventionist stance to a more proactive involvement in peace and security. This article addresses the AU’s initiatives to prevent organised crime, analysing its established normative frameworks and the practical restrictions that often hinder its usefulness. The study employs a qualitative technique, drawing on secondary data from official AU publications, United Nations reports, and academic literature. The study contends that even though the AU has created a wide range of legal and policy tools, their influence is usually diminished by barriers to cross-border collaboration, a lack of persistent political commitment, and a lack of financial and technical resources. The conclusion emphasises the ongoing disconnect between idealistic aspirations and practical reality. It promotes enhancing the AU’s participation in the fight against organised crime by encouraging greater political resolve and improved resource mobilisation.

Keywords: AU, Organized Crime, Threat, Resources mobilization, United Nations

Introduction

The paper used a 2024 UNODC research to show that organised crime makes violence worse in places like the Sahel and is a vital source of cash for people who are economically challenged. This means that organised crime is not merely a business; it is firmly ingrained in the social and economic institutions of some communities, which makes it a very tough problem to overcome. For example, the drug problem is a concern in all five African regions. The continent has become a key transit route, user, and source for drugs including cocaine and heroin. (2019, the African Union).
The United Nations (2025) said that human trafficking is a severe violation of human rights. It is a sort of modern-day slavery in which traffickers target people who are weak, like those who are poor, in conflict, or displaced. A lot of people are trafficked across borders from Africa, and this is often linked to war, being forced to leave home, and poverty (Tefera, 2019). Illicit financial flows (IFFs) make these difficulties worse by taking $88.6 billion out of Africa’s economy every year, which is 3.7% of the continent’s gross domestic product (GDP) (United Nations, 2021). These outflows make it hard to make essential investments in education, health, and productive sectors, which keeps the cycle of underdevelopment running. Because these problems are connected, organised crime is both a cause of conflict and an indication of underdevelopment. The money earned from unlawful operations promotes wars and degrades institutions and democracy (Thelma et al., 2024). At the same time, the instability and poverty that result from these activities make it easier for criminal networks to emerge as a way to live. This makes things worse and worse.

The African Union (AU) formally takes the place of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 2002. The AU was formed up by the Constitutive Act in 2000 (Maluwa, 2012). This transition was a huge step away from the OAU’s stance of not becoming involved and toward a more comprehensive and collective action approach to peace, security, and stability on the continent (ACCORD, 2024). The Peace and Security Council (PSC) is the African Union’s key body for making decisions about how to stop, handle, and settle disputes. This is a fundamental feature of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) (African Union [AU]). The PSC is quite powerful. It can stop and avoid wars, make peace, build peace, approve peace support missions, and deal with challenges including unconstitutional changes of government and transnational organised crime (ACCORD, 2024).

This amendment in the AU’s mission illustrates that there is an increasing, albeit tough, commitment to proactive security governance. Organised crime is a significant security concern, as evidenced by the PSC’s 2019 decision to make a yearly conference on transnational organised crime a permanent agenda item (AmaniAfrica, 2025). However, the fact that this annual session has not been consistently held since its institutionalisation, last meeting in May 2022, and the general problems mentioned with the PSC’s reactive approach and slow response (ACCORD, 2024), show that while the normative framework is in place, the political will and practical application to fully realise this proactive mandate are still not consistent. This illustrates the fundamental argument of this article—that there is a discrepancy between the declared purpose and what actually occurs. This article’s objective is to examine the African Union’s regulations for combating organised crime and identify the obstacles to its complete implementation. It examines the various forms of organised crime that are prevalent in Africa, the AU’s legal and policy instruments, the issues that arise when these instruments are applied, and the collaborations and initiatives taken to combat these threats.

A full collection of legal and policy tools of the AU

The Assembly’s Special Declaration on Illicit Financial Flows (2015). This declaration committed AU leaders to eliminating persistent illicit financial flows and guaranteeing the recovery of lost financial resources to Africa to support the continent’s development agenda. It called for African institutions and skills to be improved in areas like recovering stolen property, collecting taxes, and making contracts (United Nations, 2021).
The African Union’s Constitutive Act, which was passed in 2000, replaced the OAU Charter. This marked a big change in how the continent deals with peace and security (Maluwa, 2012). The OAU was mostly based on the idea that its member states shouldn’t interfere in each other’s internal affairs. This made it hard for the OAU to deal with internal crises or problems with governance (UNODC, 2018). The AU, on the other hand, gave the “right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity” (African Union, 2000, p. 9). This development provided a more robust legal foundation for the AU to actively address peace and security issues, particularly those concerning transnational organised crime.
The African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (AUCPCC, 2003). This convention, which was signed in Maputo, shows that everyone in the region agrees on how to stop, punish, and encourage international cooperation in the fight against corruption. It includes a wide range of crimes, such as bribery, illegal enrichment, money laundering, and asset recovery (African Union, 2024a). It also calls for the end of corruption in both the public and private sectors (African Union, 2003). As of January 2020, 43 states had signed this agreement.
The African Union Plan of Action on Drug Control and Crime Prevention (AUPA, 2019–2023). This strategy framework, which is the fifth of its kind, promotes a balanced, integrated, and multi-sectoral approach to drug control and crime prevention. It is based on what happened at the 2016 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on the world’s drug problem. The AUPA has a lot of different ways to cut down on drug use and supply, stop crime, reform the criminal justice system, and work together with other countries to stop drug trafficking, guns, corruption, and money laundering (African Union, 2019).
The Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union, which was signed in 2002, made the AU’s security role more effective (ACCORD, 2024). Karahalios (Karahalios, 2021) says that the PSC was set up to be the main group that makes decisions about how to stop, handle, and solve conflicts. Its mission is to deal with new dangers, like international organised crime. This change in the law from non-interference to interventionism creates the necessary normative space for anti-crime action. This lets the AU see and treat problems like organised crime as threats to peace and security on the continent. Without this basic change, many of the later anti-crime agreements would not have a clear legal basis for continental involvement. It is important to create this normative space, but it is not enough on its own because other things are needed to make it happen.
The African Union’s 2013 plan for controlling the illegal spread, circulation, and trafficking of small arms and light weapons. The goal of this plan is to stop, stop, and completely get rid of the illegal spread of SALW across all of Africa. AmaniAfrica (2022) says that it is focused on building capacity, getting stakeholders to work together and coordinate better, and improving international aid.
The Ouagadougou Action Plan to Stop Human Trafficking, Especially for Women and Children (2006). The goal of this strategy is to create general guidelines for fighting human trafficking, raise awareness and prevention, protect and help victims, put in place the right legal frameworks, improve law enforcement, and encourage cooperation. It stresses a “three-pronged strategy” of Prevention, Protection, and Prosecution d) Niamey Convention on Cross-Border Cooperation (2014). This was put in place to encourage cooperation between countries and the peaceful resolution of border disputes. This convention also says that countries should work together to stop piracy, terrorism, and cross-border crime. It needs 15 countries to sign it before it can go into effect (African Union, 2024a).
The Assembly’s Special Declaration on Illicit Financial Flows (2015). This declaration committed AU leaders to eliminating persistent illicit financial flows and guaranteeing the recovery of lost financial resources to Africa to support the continent’s development agenda. It called for African institutions and skills to be improved in areas like recovering stolen property, collecting taxes, and making contracts (United Nations, 2021).

The evolving environment of transnational organised crime in Africa

Illegal use of natural resources: UNODC (2025) claims that organised crime groups play a major role in illicit gold mining, which harms the environment and is fuelled by money laundering, fraud, and corruption. Trafficking in wildlife is also a big problem. Perche et al. (2020) say that organised crime groups that make money off of endangered species are often involved. Organised crime relies heavily on taking advantage of natural resources, which makes environmental problems and problems with governance worse. This shows that illegally taking resources can be a big source of income for criminal gangs, which means that environmental crimes and financial crimes that weaken government control are linked. So, strong management of the natural resource sectors and dealing with the social and economic factors that make people want to illegally exploit resources are both important parts of successful counter-TOC efforts.

Drug trafficking: The United States Department of State Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (2024) says that West and Central Africa are becoming important places for cocaine and heroin to pass through on their way to Europe. These drugs often come from South America and Afghanistan. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) World Drug Report 2020, cocaine seizures in Africa rose by 66% in 2018 and were expected to rise even more in 2019. This shows that Africa is becoming more important as a transit region (UNODC, 2020). This shows that the problem is getting worse because the continent is now a growing market and supply for illegal drugs, as well as a transit hub. For instance, Nigeria and South Africa have shut down illegal methamphetamine labs (UNODC, 2020). The study also found that tramadol, an opioid that isn’t monitored by any international body, is a serious public health issue, especially in West and Central Africa, where it was responsible for 79% of all seizures in 2018. This change in Africa’s role in the global drug market from mainly a transit point to also a place where drugs are made and used means that counter-narcotics strategies must now be multi-faceted, with the goal of fighting both supply and demand on the continent.

Illicit financial flows (IFFs): It noted that the significant loss, amounting to 3.7% of the continent’s GDP, hinders development and exacerbates poverty and inequality. IFFs are closely linked to other illegal activities, like drug trafficking, human trafficking, and selling weapons illegally (African Union, 2024a). These flows are a major roadblock to African development and a major facilitator of other organised crimes. They make conflicts worse and get in the way of sustainable development by weakening institutions and democracy, shrinking the tax base, and taking important resources away from public services like healthcare and education (African Union, 2024a). The estimated $88.6 billion lost each year is a sign of lost opportunities for growth, lost jobs, and rising poverty. This means that fighting IFFs is not only important for keeping money safe, but it is also necessary for long-term growth and stopping crime.

Smuggling migrants and trafficking people : Human trafficking is a serious violation of human rights that is often called “modern-day According to UNODC (2024a), Africa is the source of the most destinations, both inside and outside the continent. One-third of all cross-border human trafficking flows involve people from Africa. The data shows that the number of child victims is alarmingly rising. In Africa in 2022, kids made up 38% of all victims found. Traffickers use technology to lure victims by working online and using social media and encrypted communication tools (United Nations, 2025). This digital growth of human trafficking is scary because it lets criminal groups reach more people and take advantage of them more easily. This shows that technology can be both helpful and harmful, as it can be used by criminals in new ways. Because of this, cybersecurity and digital forensics must be part of anti-trafficking efforts. But the strong link to vulnerable groups shows that technology fixes alone aren’t enough. It’s still important to deal with the root causes of vulnerability, like poverty and violence.

Bringing weapons into the country illegally: Firearms trafficking is a major cause of conflicts, especially in places like the Sahel (AmaniAfrica, 2025). UNODC (2024) says that most of the guns that are trafficked illegally come from legitimate manufacturers but are sold on the black market. This highlights a critical area for intervention. It means that illegal arms trafficking is the most profitable illegal business, allowing organised crime groups to protect their illegal businesses and employees. It is not just a crime on its own; it is also a key part of the whole criminal ecosystem, which includes drug trafficking and illegal use of natural resources. So, limiting the flow of weapons is a good way to break up organised crime groups and bring about peace.

Challenges confronting the AU

Different national laws and rules could make it very hard for regions to work together to fight organised crime. To get around these legal problems, it is important to make national laws more similar and adopt universal standards. This is a big legal problem for transnational crime because criminals take advantage of gaps in jurisdiction. The Niamey Convention aims to promote integrated border management and cross-border cooperation (Cassidy-Neumiller et al., 2024). The University for Peace (2022) says that Africa is a good place for illegal businesses and organised crime because of its porous borders and areas that are not controlled. Criminal groups use these open borders to start their activities in very organised and complicated ways, which makes the borders unsafe. Another problem with international cooperation in criminal cases is that people don’t work together when there aren’t any relevant bilateral agreements (UN General Assembly, 2025). It is hard to get mutual legal aid agreements, which makes it hard to prosecute criminals across borders even when they are found. This means that even though the AU has ways for member states to work together, it is often hard to put them into action because of the rights of each member state and the problems that come with enforcing laws across borders. There is a natural conflict between national sovereignty and the international nature of crime that causes legal and practical problems.
Even though AU leaders have promised to do better, they have shown a “persistent lack of genuine and sustained political will,” which has made it hard for them to deal with important problems, such as armed conflicts that hurt civilians and widespread attacks on basic rights (ICG, 2025). The AU’s response to crises is often inconsistent, and sometimes they use the principle of subsidiarity to regional authorities as an excuse not to act.70 There is a big difference between what the AU says it will do and what the member states are actually doing to make it happen and pay for it. The chaotic running of the Sudanese civil war, where strong African leadership was badly needed but never happened, and the AU Commission’s silence during the fighting in Ethiopia’s Tigray area are two examples of this gap.67 The AU’s power has also gone down in the central Sahel. This is mostly because there hasn’t been a consistent political commitment to staff and give power to its regional offices to help solve conflicts.67 The AU has a big problem because it has to follow the Lomé Declaration, which says that states must be suspended after illegal transfers of administration. This is in line with democratic norms, but some African leaders are starting to realise that keeping lines of communication open with military governments is very important. This makes it hard for everyone to work together.67 This shows that the problem isn’t just a lack of resources; it’s also about how member states work together and prioritise turning continental goals into national action, which can be hard when national interests are at odds with each other. Such discrepancies directly undermine the efficacy of the normative frameworks.
The AU’s ability to deal with peace and security issues is always limited by a lack of resources (International Crisis Group [ICG] 2025). The AU Peace Fund was started in 1993 and then revived in 2018. Its goal is to provide long-term funding for peace and security projects, especially those that fight organised crime. The fund reached its initial goal of $400 million by mid-2024, mostly from member states. However, this is still far less than the huge cost of dealing with Africa’s wars (Soumahoro, 2025). Soumahoro (2025) says that the AU Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) cost $1.5 billion a year in 2023. This shows how big the gap is between the money that is available and the needs of the mission. The AU and UN need to work together to fill the 25% burden-sharing gap left by UN Security Council Resolution 2719, which says that UN-assessed contributions can only cover 75% of AU-led peace assistance operations (Zeyede, 2025). This means that even with strong rules and guidelines, the AU can’t do large-scale, long-term anti-crime measures because it doesn’t have enough reliable money. This reliance on foreign funding and unpredictable internal contributions is a major threat to the AU’s ability to do its job. Also, it is still hard to fight some crimes, like human trafficking and smuggling migrants, because there aren’t enough resources to do so. This has a direct effect on how well intelligence sharing and operational responses can be funded.
African countries are very worried about not having enough resources. This is true in fields like digital forensics and electronic evidence. This is often because the technology infrastructure is weak, people don’t have enough digital skills, and they don’t have enough money (UN General Assembly, 2025). This means that even with laws in place, it is very hard to look into modern crimes like cybercrime. Coordination among various AU entities responsible for combating transnational organised crime continues to be hindered by resource limitations and insufficient horizontal integration (AmaniAfrica, 2025). This means that the digital and human infrastructure needed to fight cross-border crime is not good enough, which gives criminal networks a chance to take advantage of operational weaknesses. Also, some people are said to be unwilling to share important information, which makes it harder to stop human trafficking and migrant smuggling (Development Policy and Performance Portal, 2025).

The operational responses and partnerships of the AU

The Continental Operational Centre (COC) for trafficking in persons and smuggling of migrants. A practical reaction to diverse forms of crime is illustrated by the formation of specialised operations centers. The Continental Operational Center (COC) for Trafficking in Persons (TIP) and Smuggling of Migrants (SOM), formed in 2019, is a significant part of Africa’s efforts to curb irregular migration (African Union, 2024b). A structured framework for collaboration between member states, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and law enforcement agencies was established in December 2024 when the COC validated continental guidelines for information and intelligence sharing to combat TIP and SOM, according to Development Policy and Performance Portal (2025). This shows that the AU is developing specific operational institutions in order to move beyond broad mandates, realising that complex situations require specialised expertise and a coordinated response.
Partnerships with UNODC, INTERPOL, and Regional Economic Communities (RECs). External collaboration and regional integration are vital force for the AU’s anti-crime initiatives. The AU works closely with international partners like UNODC and INTERPOL to promote police cooperation and counter transnational threats across the continent (INTERPOL. (n.d.)). The African Union and INTERPOL’s Special Representative Office in Addis Ababa work closely to establish synergies and ensuring that the law enforcement voice is heard in AU initiatives. The PSC has also recommended for coordinated actions with the Committee of Intelligence and Security Services of Africa (CISSA), INTERPOL, and UNODC to identify and assess unlawful flows (AmaniAfrica, 2025). These partnerships offer vital operational support, information sharing, training, and technical assistance that the AU and its member nations frequently lack internally (UN General Assembly, 2025). Furthermore, the AU fosters the harmonisation and coordination of activities between regional mechanisms, such as the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and Regional Mechanisms (RMs), and the AU itself, in the promotion of peace, security, and stability (ACCORD, 2024). RECs are vital for establishing constraints against tiny firearms and light weapons.
The role of AFRIPOL’s initiatives and the Peace and Security Council (PSC): The PSC is responsible for managing, preventing, and resolving disputes and is the primary pillar of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It has regularly expressed worry over the expansion of transnational organised crime in Africa (AmaniAfrica, 2025). A formal recognition and priority of the problem may be shown in the PSC’s 2019 decision to create an annual session on transnational organised crime as a standing agenda item. Also, AFRIPOL, founded as the continent’s law enforcement coordination mechanism, is a significant institutional framework designed to cope with transnational organised crime. It provides a framework for police coordination at strategic, tactical, and operational levels throughout African states (Soumahoro, 2025). The execution of “Operation TAPI,” a cross-border project carried out by AFRIPOL in collaboration with INTERPOL, is a concrete illustration of AFRIPOL’s impact on the ground. This program, which encompasses six AU member nations, tackles a variety of criminal activities, such as drug trafficking, pharmaceuticals, guns, counterfeit or smuggled commodities, and environmental crimes (AmaniAfrica, 2025).

Conclusion

In order to combat organised crime throughout the continent, the African Union has made impressive progress in creating a comprehensive normative framework. The OAU’s move from a non-interventionist position to a more aggressive and interventionist mandate reveals that the threat posed by transnational criminal networks has been clearly identified. Conventions against corruption, action plans for drug control, strategies for arms control, and protocols for human trafficking and cross-border cooperation are only a few of the various legal and policy tools that the AU has set up. International standards are often in line with these frameworks. This entails a knowledge at the continental level of the complex nature of organised crime and the need for a multi-sectoral response. However, a number of practical restrictions, similar as resource shortages and the continuous lack of genuine and sustained political will among member states, regularly test the usefulness of these normative frameworks. Operational vulnerabilities brought about by a lack of expertise in areas like digital forensics and an unwillingness to share intelligence are easily exploited by criminal networks. Cross-border law enforcement entails jurisdictional complexity and challenges due to the inherent tension between national sovereignty and the transnational nature of crime. This makes coordinated action tougher. Consequently, the practical realities on the ground create a huge gap between desire and achievement, even while the AU’s normative frameworks offer a solid foundation and demonstrate a deep grasp of the organised crime problem. The symbiotic relationship between organised crime and violence, fuelled by illegal economies and socio-economic deficiencies, further distorts the image.

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Interrogating the Nigeria Police Force and Its Counter-terrorism Approaches

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Citation

Egwu, F. O., Arua, M. C., Okeh, P. I., Onwe, D. C., & Onuoha, O. O. (2026). Interrogating the Nigeria Police Force and Its Counter-terrorism Approaches. International Journal of Research, 13(3), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijr/1

¹Egwu, Francis Ogbonnia

Department of Criminology and Security Studies,

Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria

Email: francis.egwu@funai.edu.ng

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0009-8519-8303

^2**Arua, Mercy Chioma***

Department of Criminology and Security Studies,

Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria

Email: mercy.arua@funai.edu.ng

Corresponding author****

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0005-6625-477X

³Okeh, Peter Igboke

Department of Criminology and Security Studies,

Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria

Email: ptrgbk@gmail.com

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0007-5991-8560

⁴Daniel Chidiebere Onwe

Department of Criminology and Security Studies,

Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria

Email: onwedaniel1990@gmail.com

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0003-4168-148X

⁵Onuoha, Ogobuchi Onuoha

Department of Sociology,

Ebonyi State University, Abakaliki, Nigeria

Email: onuohaogobuchi@gmail.com

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0008-1011-2168

Abstract

The paper used a theoretical method to look at how the Nigeria Police are involved in counter-terrorism efforts in Nigeria. It aimed to find out how the police participate, how effective their involvement is, and what can be done to improve their performance in these operations. The structural functionalism theory was adopted to theoretically underpin the study. The outcome of the study reveals that the police force plays a variety of roles which manifest in different forms in the fight against terrorism. These forms are not limited to intelligence gathering, synergy with other sister agencies, liaison with community leaders to fish out terrorist enclaves and so on. The study also revealed that the police’s regular use of overt force diminishes the effectiveness of their operations, as there is a need to fight the root cause of terrorism. The study recommends that the police should be specially trained on conflict resolution strategy while adopting the principle of community policing. To enhance counter-terrorism operational efficiency, the police should be given adequate and sophisticated equipment and, as well, undergo training and retraining to face the terrorist group.

Keywords: Police, Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, Police Operation, Nigeria

Introduction

The Nigeria Police was established based on the provision of Section 214(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and several laws have given it responsibilities and authority (Nwauzi & Ogon, 2018). The force is tasked with the duties of investigating crimes, protecting people and property, and enforcing all laws and regulations. They may also be responsible for traffic control and prosecution in any court in the country. (Alemika & Chukwuma, 2000, as cited in Edet, 2017). The extant and primary law in Nigeria that highlights the specific responsibilities and capabilities of the Nigerian Police is the Police Act (Nwauzi & Ogon, 2018). The Nigeria Police also performs a variety of secondary responsibilities, including providing aid in times of need and managing and regulating highway traffic, among others (Madubuike-Ekwe & Obayemi, 2019). However, given the vast nature of police officers’ responsibilities and authority, the preceding list of police officer tasks and powers is not all-inclusive (Nwauzi & Ogon, 2018). The composition, establishment and operational control of the Police Force are clearly stated in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Section 214(1), that “There shall be a Police Force for Nigeria, which shall be known as the Nigeria Police Force, and subject to the provisions of this Section no other police force shall be established for the Federation or any part thereof” (CFRN, 1999). These provisions are reinforced in the Police Act and Regulations of 1990, Chapter 359, which classified the duties of the police to include prevention and detection of crime, apprehension of offenders, preservation of law and order, protection of life and property, enforcement of all laws and regulations with which they are directly charged and the performance of such military duties within or without Nigeria as may be required of them by or under the authority of the Act or any other act.

Nigeria is currently grappling with a myriad of security challenges. The country has been plagued by a plethora of threats, including Boko Haram, herdsmen/farmers conflicts, kidnapping and banditry, ritual killings and cannibalism, cattle rustling, drug and human trafficking, militancy, illicit proliferation of small arms, and violent extremism. These security challenges have had far-reaching consequences, undermining the country’s stability, economic growth, and social cohesion (Ezinwa, 2019). For long, the country has, particularly, been battling with the insecurity issue posed by the activities of terrorist groups. Topping the list of these groups is the Boko Haram Sect (BHS) in the northeast of Nigeria. Terrorism is a global phenomenon in the atmosphere of criminality (Aiyesimoju, 2015) and has become a major threat to world peace and order (Abodunrin et al., 2021). The militant actions of Boko Haram have become one of the biggest security risks in Africa, particularly around the region surrounding Lake Chad (Oyewole, 2015). In Nigeria, the devious and nasty actions of this terrorist organisation cannot be disregarded because of the attacks the organisation has carried out, which have resulted in loss of life, destruction of property worth billions of Naira, serious infrastructure damage, and loss of investment, capital, and income, among other things (Abodunrin et al., 2021). Since 2009, the Boko Haram Sect (BHS) and other terrorist organisations’ operations have impeded sustainable development and made the nation hazardous for people to live in, conduct business in, and invest in (Isiaka et al., 2023). We also have the Fulani herders in the northeast, the Delta militants in the south-south, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and Eastern Security Network (ESN) in the southeast, the Amotekun agitators in the southwest and the newly emerged terror group, the Lukarawas, in northwestern Nigeria.

The International Terrorism and Security Research (ITSR) alludes to the fact that terrorism is not new and that even though the word has been used since the beginning of recorded history, it can be relatively hard to define. Terrorism, according to the ITSR, has been described variously as both a tactic and strategy, a crime and a holy duty, and a justified reaction to oppression and an inexcusable abomination. The United States Department of Defence (USDD) defines terrorism as “the calculated use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political, religious, or ideological.” Within this definition, there are three key elements: violence, fear, and intimidation. Each element produces terror in its victims. The FBI defines terrorism as “the unlawful use of force and violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives.” The U.S. Department of State (USDS) defines terrorism as “premeditated politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence an audience.” Boko Haram and splinter groups such as JAMBS (presently known as ISWAP) are believed by analysts to be largely a product of widespread socioeconomic and religious insecurities, and their ideology resonates among certain communities because of both historical narratives and modern grievances (Audu & Zakimayu, 2021). It has become increasingly clear that national security agencies can no longer work alone in preventing future attacks. They must work in partnership with other public and private agencies, most importantly with local police.

‘Counter-terrorism’ means the measures undertaken by a government to defeat terrorism. It integrates and synchronises political, security, legal, economic, developmental and psychological activities to create a holistic approach that aims at weakening the terrorists while bolstering the government’s legitimacy in the eyes of the people. Several scholars clarified the meaning of counter-terrorism. For instance, Grey (2012) defined counter-terrorism as a set, or combinations, of diverse and multifaceted activities used in combating any terrorist violence in a given society. Campbell and Weitz (2005) also consider counter-terrorism to refer to all actions, activities, principles and tactics used by regular security groups in waging war against any terrorist group in a given political setting. To clarify it further, the United States Army (2006) defined counter-terrorism as military, paramilitary, political, economic, psychological and civic actions taken by government to defeat terrorism. However, the focus of most counter-terrorism measures in this study is centred on the Nigeria Police Force. Police counter-terrorism refers to all forms of conventional combat adopted by the police force and other paramilitary and military forces in combating terrorism in a given political entity. It is a kinetic component of the counter-terrorism response to guerrilla warfare. According to Sampson (2015), the main principle of the counter-terrorism strategy is the application of aggressive force involving violent destruction of the enemy force and threatening of the local population to withdraw support for the terrorists. Therefore, counter-terrorism relies on operations that involve the use of aggression, such as detention of suspects, brutal elimination of individual terrorists, disruption of terrorists’ support networks, and decapitation of terrorist organisations. To contend with these terrorist activities in Nigeria, the federal government of Nigeria, irrespective of statutory restrictions, still deploys Nigeria police personnel to quell unwholesome loss of life and property from these theatres of terrorism in Nigeria.

Problem Statement

Nigeria is grappling with the pressing issue of terrorism, which has become a leading concern for national security. This menace has sparked intense discussions and varied comments in current national discourse (Aiyesimoju, 2015). Despite the Nigerian government’s best efforts, terrorist group activities have continued to grow throughout the northern area, with Boko Haram leading at the forefront, and they pose a severe threat to Nigeria and the region around Lake Chad (Sadau, 2015). Different approaches have been used by the Nigerian government to subdue and curtail the activities and operations of the numerous terrorist groups present in the country. Since terrorism continues to be a threat to Nigeria’s stability and peace, these measures, however, have not produced fruitful and beneficial results. The administration has largely focused on using the military strategy rather than alternative non-military ones to calm terrorism operations. Hence, there is the need to examine other non-military approaches, especially the criminal justice system, in the fight against terrorism. The urgent need to combat terrorism and the roles of critical stakeholders in the fight against terrorism have been investigated in literature. For instance, Aiyesimoju (2015) examined the role of the media in containing terrorism by outlining how the activities of the media can be used to aid as well as thwart the activities of terrorism groups in the country. Ike (2018) examined the need to re-conceptualise the role of law in countering terrorism in Nigeria and explained the rationale behind strengthening Nigeria’s criminal justice system. However, the emphasis in these studies is on the efficacy of the police operational duties in terms of countering terrorism. Against this background, this study aims to explore the forms of Nigeria Police participation in counter-terrorism operations, the effectiveness of Nigeria Police involvement in counter-terrorism operations and measures that could enhance police performance in counter-terrorism operations in the country.

Theoretical Framework

Structural functionalism is a sociological theory that explains why society functions the way it does by emphasising the relationships between the various social institutions that make it up. The basic underpinnings of structural functionalism were built by French sociologist Émile Durkheim in the late nineteenth century, at least in part as a response to evolutionary theories of thinkers such as E. B. Tylor (Porth et al., 2015). Durkheim’s original goal was to explain social structures as a shared means for individuals in society to meet their own biological needs; he also wanted to explain the worth of cultural and social features in terms of their contribution to the general operation of society and life. Later, structural functionalism’s focus shifted to the manner in which social structures in society meet the social requirements of individuals inside that society. This theory was adopted as a theoretical framework for the study because of its strengths and strategic importance. The theory placed emphasis on the interdependency and interconnectedness of security formations, including the police force, and the necessity and urgency for them to form a synergy with the local civilian security formation in the host community for harmonious living. It was reported by Stearns (2013) that structural functionalism views society as functioning as an organism with the various social institutions working together as organs in the human body to maintain stability and integration. Radcliffe Brown espoused the interaction or interdependence of human activities in the social institutions that give rise to the cohesion, stability and peaceful coexistence of human society (Mediha, 2013; Palmer, 2013). Seeing the imperativeness of structural functionalism in understanding and explaining the police force as a subset of security organisations that contributes meaningfully to the existence and survival of the whole social system, the theory was found much more relevant to and apt in examining police involvement in community security, with emphasis on counter-terrorism.

Forms of Police Participation in Counter-terrorism Operations

One cannot overemphasise the duties and responsibilities of the police in any given society. The police are recognised members of the society charged with the responsibility of security of lives and property, maintaining law and order and prevention of all crimes, including terrorism. The roles the Nigeria police play are not just confined to the statutory description of their duties and responsibilities. Alongside other primary duties such as crime prevention and investigation, maintenance of law and order, and enforcement of all laws and regulations, the police also have a role to play in countering terrorism in Nigeria. This was confirmed from the above submission but is also partly stated in section 4 of the Police Act under “such military duties within or outside Nigeria as may be required by them by this or any other Act” (The Police Act, Cap [P19]). Nwauzi and Ogon (2018) also stated that the listed duties and powers of police officers are not exhaustive, as the duties and powers of police officers are expansive. The Nigeria Police discharge other specific secondary duties like highway traffic control and management, provision of assistance during disasters and the conduct of prosecution before any court in the country (Madubuike-Ekwe & Obayemi, 2019).

Detailed explanation of some forms of police participation in curbing the menace of terrorism in Nigeria. The forms in which the police manifest in its duty of counter-terrorism include but are not limited to the following: Involvement in intelligence gathering and sharing with other security agencies to buffer counter-terrorism operations; counselling people as well as relevant stakeholders in the country about the need for peace in the society. This is done in a bid to write off the wrong and poisonous orientation people might have received concerning situations in the country; mopping up arms and ammunitions, drugs and narcotic substances in the society; working in synergy with relevant stakeholders, bodies and national institution agencies such as the NDLEA, EFCC, NAFDAC and others; working with other security agencies such as the Nigerian Military, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) to enhance synergy towards countering terrorism; training and re-training of police personnel on recent crime fighting modes in order to effectively engage the terrorist groups; engaging the religious and community leaders in talks about peace and giving proper orientation to their members so as to proactively repel the desire to engage in terrorism; striving to administer and dispense justice to improve people’s trust and confidence in the justice system so that aggression will not set-in on an aggrieved party thereby leading to terrorism.

Effectiveness of Nigeria Police Involvement in Counter-terrorism Operations

Challenges to the police role in counterterrorism have marred the effectiveness of police involvement in counterterrorism operations. Some challenges facing the police in their fight against terrorism are found as follows: First, there is insufficient training for the officers facing terrorists, and being sent to fight well-trained and equipped terrorists sounds like a suicide mission. Second, there is an allegation of misappropriation of funds allocated for counterterrorism operations. This leaves the police with insufficient funds and resources that, in turn, affects their efficiency and effectiveness in the fight against the terrorist. Third, political interference and corrupt practices among policymakers are also alleged. This kind of interference and corruption can always delay actions against the terrorist, thereby limiting the effectiveness, efficiency and productivity of the police. Fourth, command friction between the police and their military partners in the Joint Task Force. This fourth challenge is to be expected between military and paramilitary agencies whose ranking and protocols are similar but still unique. So the issue of superiors and subordinates in the face of command and order-controlled organisation can always be an issue, especially when there are no laid-down rules of operation and command protocols. Therefore, it becomes necessary to take further study into the rules of engagement of the Joint Task Force in order to find out the cause of this challenge and root it in the bud. The fifth challenge found is the existence of some moles (spies or traitors) in the joint military-police-civilian task force on counter-terrorism, which jeopardises the effectiveness of their operations. These findings support previous research reports (Bamidele, 2016; Nnam et al., 2020), which all agreed that concerted efforts to overcome the odious act of terrorism have been sabotaged and frustrated by some civilians in the host communities, politicians and security personnel, who provide corresponding assistance (such as leaking of security tactics and strategies, intelligence and information) to the terrorists (Nwakanma, 2022).

The effectiveness of the use of force approach adopted by the Nigeria Police counter-terrorism is pointed out, and the heavy-handed approach by Nigeria’s security sector against members of terrorist groups exacerbated sentiments of communal insecurity. In an extensive military operation, the Nigerian state destroyed the compound of the group and killed scores of terrorists. Disproportionate force and extrajudicial killings by the statutory security sector cause some terrorist groups to respond with revenge attacks against the institutions of the state. The lack of capacity and capability in Nigeria’s law enforcement and military, coupled with a failure to appreciate the importance of community engagement in counter-terrorism, set the state on a collision course with the group and its followers. Samson (2015) asserts that, while assessing the dilemma of counter-terrorism and human rights in Northern Nigeria, he argued that the aggressive approach of the SJTF perpetrated through gross violations of human rights undermined the support of the population. This assertion connotes that the excessive use of brutal force by the police force, alongside other security agencies, serves as a restraint to the effectiveness of police involvement in counter-terrorism operations.

Similarly, Kalid (2021), while being interviewed by the BBC, pointed out the ineffectiveness of using a force approach to terrorism, thus: the over-reliance on a military strategy to confront terrorist groups is at the heart of the state’s inability to deal with the threat. That is why, unfortunately, almost 11 or 12 years into the counter-terrorism operation, there seem to be no major successes recorded. The reality is that to address terrorism, you need more than a brutal force operation. You need to address the root causes of the terrorism emergence. Paradoxically, Sampson (2015) also claimed that since its engagement in the counterterrorism, the SJTF, including the police, has become anathema to the local communities in the Northeast. According to him, the indiscriminate use of force and other arbitrary acts have led to an unwarranted loss of life and destruction of valuable property, as well as constituted an extensive humanitarian crisis in the Northeast. He further maintained that, in addition to the direct offensive approach, the operation was reinforced by the adoption of draconian laws like the massive imposition of dusk-to-dawn curfews, restriction of vehicular movement, and bans on the use of communication lines. The overall effects of these measures thus undermined the support of the population for counter-terrorism. This indicates that there can never be a purely forceful solution to violent extremism. There is therefore a need to abandon the conventional force-centric approach as the one and only option for terrorism and other asymmetric conflicts. While not ignoring the importance of using a force approach, stability, political-economic-social development, rule of law, popular well-being, and sustainable peace all depend on effective and legitimate control of the national territory; the force-centric approach must be balanced with a population-centric approach for maximum effectiveness and legitimacy (Jerome, 2015).

Measures to Enhance Police Performance in Counter-terrorism Operations

Given the complexity of the security situation in Nigeria, blended with the economic, political, and social strife, projects and programs designed to counter terrorism should be built around community resilience, enhance cooperation among law enforcement agencies, and strengthen judicial institutions. Hence, strategy and the importance of collective efforts to counter terrorism in an increasingly interdependent and interconnected Nigeria have become imperative. Hence, some measures that could be used to counter terrorism in Nigeria were extensively examined.

Measures to enhance police performance in counter-terrorism target a different aspect of what Piombo (2007) calls the four “Ds” of fighting terrorism: ‘Defeat terrorists and their organisations; Deny sponsorship, support and sanctuary to terrorists; Diminish the underlying conditions that terrorists seek to exploit, and Defend citizens and interests at home and abroad.’ Another way to consider these programmes’ effectiveness is that they should attempt to fight the supply of terrorists, the demand for terrorist networks, and the ability of terrorists to operate and manoeuvre. Counterterrorism measures are captured in the below headings.

1. The Meghalaya Model

The Meghalaya model is a multi-sector approach involving government, law enforcement, judiciary, and civil society organisations that created a comprehensive framework for combating trafficking in Northeast Asia in 1999 under the five “Ps”: prevention, protection, policing, press, and prosecution (Kharbhih, 2010). The Meghalaya Model is designed to track and rescue trafficked children in Northeast Asia; to facilitate rehabilitation; and to make sure that survivors do not get re-trafficked. It also provides families with livelihood alternatives, provides evidence to prosecute offenders, and raises awareness through the media. The process of the Meghalaya Model is the five “Rs”: reporting, rescue, rehabilitation, repatriation and re-education. It is believed that these activities that are pillars of the Meghalaya model to counter human trafficking are relevant to counter-terrorism, as they could fight the supply of terrorists, the supply of mercenaries for terrorism, and the demand for terrorist networks. This is imperative because, despite international agreements and a plethora of national laws on counter-terrorism, the issue remains one of the fastest-growing criminal violence in the world. Its proliferation is due to its cross-border nature and thus requires cooperation and collaboration between states if it is to be tackled effectively. However, throughout the world, often counterterrorism initiatives have failed to incorporate all relevant stakeholders. Hence, the Meghalaya Model, though originally designed to track and rescue trafficked children, could be adopted or adapted to counter terrorism in Nigeria, as there are insinuations of mercenaries and conscripted fighters for terrorists. And with the porous nature of Nigerian borders and the rate of human trafficking in the country, these mercenaries and conscripted fighters could be trafficked victims from neighbouring countries. This model is relevant to counter-terrorism in Nigeria because through a collaborative and far-reaching security network of stakeholders in counter-terrorism (security and intelligence agencies, NAPTIP, the media, civil society and NGOs), terrorists, mercenaries and terror suspects are more likely to be arrested and will face prosecution.

2. Countering Terrorism through Public-Private Partnerships (CTPPP)

While combating terrorism is a primary responsibility of nation states, developing partnerships with the private sector can be beneficial, especially in areas where state resources and expertise are limited. The public-private partnerships (PPPs) concept is gaining attention in the business world but at a much slower pace in the security domain. For instance, Jonathan Lucas, Director of the United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI), argues that progress to build partnerships on security matters has been hampered by a lack of legislation to facilitate information exchange between the public and private sectors, as well as the absence of incentives because ‘too often no incentives are provided to encourage the private sector to invest in the protection of vulnerable targets, as the private sector usually considers funding of PPP initiatives in security sectors as a cost rather than an investment’ (2012, p. 8). However, the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy explicitly encourages such partnerships in capacity-building and information exchange. Hence the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF) working group on countering the use of the Internet for terrorist purposes argues how it benefited from private sector expertise in ‘the technical and legal aspects on how the Internet could be used to counter terrorist narratives’ (2012, p. 8). Russia, for example, has been engaging with Moscow State University and People’s Friendship University of Russia to exchange new ideas and expertise in countering terrorism. Because in their view, ‘private-public cooperation should not be limited to the business community alone but should also include non-governmental organisations, media, tourism and hotels, youth associations, the academic community and religious leaders’ involvement in the security sector’ (Yudintsev, 2012).

3. Empowering Youth as Peace-Entrepreneurs and Peace-Seeds

There is growing evidence from the social science literature on the links between youth unemployment and armed conflict, and donors have increasingly used programmes that create jobs for youth as a tool to address armed violence. Many donors now identify addressing youth unemployment as an urgent priority, both in the field of peace buildinpeacebuildingg and in efforts to foster economic development (World Bank, 2008; ILO, 2010; UN, 2009). Similarly, the link between job creation and peacebuilding has been affirmed by the UN Secretary General’s approval of the ‘UN Policy For Post-Conflict Employment Creation, Income Generation And Reintegration’ in 2008, as well as by the ILO’s 2010 Guidelines on Local Economic Recovery in Post-Conflict (UN, 2009; ILO, 2010). However, studies find that both the theoretical and empirical cases for using youth employment programmes as a ‘standalone’ tool to reduce violent conflict are extremely weak, because donor interventions have been poorly evaluated and evidence of success typically only demonstrates increases in employment levels, with little effort made to assess the impact on conflict. Hence, evidence on using job creation as part of an integrated or comprehensive armed conflict or Anti Violence Response (AVR) strategy is stronger: some government-led initiatives in countries that experience high levels of armed violence (such as Brazil and South Africa) are positive examples. So, the emphasis on the youth Anti Violence Response (AVR) strategy should be based on holistic, comprehensive, and integrated approaches that go beyond simply addressing a lack of economic opportunities and seek to tackle the more complex array of factors (such as belief systems, religious, political, and ethnic fundamentalism) that turn youth into entrepreneurs of violence rather than peace-seeds. This is imperative because Omale (2013) argues that, if youth involvement in terrorism is becoming a real threat, then the primary step is to try to understand the phenomena systems andphenomenonof increase, anphenomenonincrease andd the causes of such criminal deviance. Because in the word increase andwordsof Socrates,words, ‘Fundamentum Omnius Cultus animae’ (i.e.,, the soul of all improvement is the improvement of the soul). For instance, the goal of most national educational curricula in modern times is to produce professionals such as scientists, lawyers, doctors, and engineers for society. How much of our school curriculum includes active citizenship education, youth leadership skills, civil courtesies, and relationship-building communication?building? The earlier we begin to instilinstil the skills of ‘learning to live together’ and respect for humanity and society through active citizenship education, the better for our society.

4. Women-Gender Intelligence (WGI)

The innovation of “Women-Gender Intelligence” (WGI), particularly in the events of volatile conflict and endemic suicide bombings in Nigeria, has become imperative. For instance, with the continued violent conflict in Jos and the emerging suicide bombings in the country, the “Women for Change and Development Initiative” of the Office of the First Lady of Nigeria orchestrated media campaigns and jingles of “Women: See Something; Say Something!” and “The One that gives life must Protect Life!” The impact of these jingles and campaigns, this author would argue, motivated a rural woman in a village called Haya Biu, Niger State, to assist the State Security Service in Nigeria to unravel the hideout of some Boko Haram extremists on 6th September, 2011, who until then had been hiding there and making IEDs. By this revelation, it could be argued that women can be strong agents of change and development if adequately harnessed. In terms of security and counterterrorism in Nigeria, this paper argues that if women voluntarily and unanimously agree to stop insecurity, they can because there is no terrorist or criminal that does not have a mother, a spouse, or a girlfriend. The Women Gender Intelligence (WGI) is even more relevant in the Nigerian context since it is insinuated that some Boko Haram perpetrators are youth who cannot afford to pay a bride price for a wife and are so brainwashed and recruited to kill so as to be rewarded with seven virgins in Aljena. In this case, therefore, if women are granted protection as whistleblowers, they can be a good source of intelligence on counterterrorism in Nigeria.

5. Counter Extremism and De-radicalisation Programmes (CEDP)

Religion and cultural differences are among the most important causes of conflicts and violence in Nigeria. A very worrisome dimension of the role of religion in conflicts is the tendency and frequency with which some politicians and leaders exploit it for selfish reasons, as sometimes public statements on issues of religion tend to ignite or exacerbate conflicts, justifying the need for conflict sensitivity. Our world – as an American sociologist, Peter Berger, notes – is ‘fiercely religious’, and Nigeria has witnessed rising essentialism within all the major religions. For instance, a Muslim cleric was once criticised by the media for publicly preaching to his followers in a mosque in Kano (northern Nigeria) that “Un ka kama Mary ko Chinyere ka chisu” (meaning “if you catch a girl with a name Mary or Chinyere, rape her”). This is hate-based preaching that encourages young Muslim boys to rape girls bearing Christian or South Eastern names in Nigeria. In the same vein, some Neo-Pentecostal and evangelical Christians in Nigeria see themselves (the “born again” brethren) as holier than the ‘Other’. Similarly, crusades that dwell much more on the Biblical verse of Mathew 11:12, which states, “And from the days of John the Baptist until now, the kingdom of heaven suffered violence, and the violent takes it by force,” are becoming common citations among youth in Nigeria. Whereas, this Biblical injunction does not encourage violence, perverse interpretations of these religious injunctions, however, have crept into the minds of some people. This radical mindset has created many of the world’s violent outbreaks, both present and past. Lammy (2013) argues in an article written after the May 22nd killing of a Woolwich soldier by a terrorist suspect (Michael Adebolajo) that ‘radical Islamism suffocates conventional Islamic beliefs with a diet of anger, hate and intolerance among young men, who perhaps are already convinced of being outcasts and are intoxicated by teachings that not only entrench this difference further but also demand that they despise the society they leave behind.’ Hence, it is not uncommon for fringe groups of all ideological persuasions to systematically target these men by manipulating their sense of hopelessness and lack of belonging (Lammy, 2013). However, if religion could be used to cause conflict, it could be used to resolve conflict. Because even in this climate of global religious turbulence, religions offer the potential for generosity, wisdom and an ethical sense of transcendence capable of creating a strong link between people, beyond their differences. People might have different beliefs and dogmas and adhere to different schools of philosophical and metaphysical thought, but I strongly believe that it is possible to share a pragmatic universal system of ethics that would allow us all to live together. So Counter Extremism and De-radicalisation Programmes (CEDP) can work and could be an effective way of countering the spread of radical-violent ideology and activism, provided that the right conditions for success exist. These include, among others, political will, a vibrant civil society, and a robust developmental and political capacity within the Nigerian state.

6. Security Inter-Operability (SIO)

In every human society there are those that could not be safely contained in the community. Security interoperability that encourages security networking and intelligence sharing could root out the bad eggs in the society. For instance, if the police, SSS, EFCC and NIA work collaboratively, they could unravel the local and international sponsors and financiers of Boko Haram. Similarly, if the Customs, Immigration and the NDLEA work collaboratively, they could unravel the criminal importation of foreign mercenaries, drugs, arms and ammunition that are sustaining the Boko Haram insurgencies. In the same vein, the SSS and police working collaboratively with the Prisons Service could plant pseudo inmates who are fluent in Arabic, Hausa, Fulani and Kanuri in strategic prison cells for intelligence gatherings from detained Boko Haram suspects. The Military Joint Task Forces (JMTF) could as well invest in telemetric security and cable detection technology and use fewer roadblocks. Where these security strategies are done well, the use of the Military Joint Task Forces (MJTF) fire operations would only be the last resort. But if terror attacks do occur, a coordinated and well-equipped MJTF that comprises the military forces, NEMA, the fire service and the Red Cross should be on standby for effective evacuation and other needed humanitarian and relief services. However, in a system like Nigeria where security and law enforcement agencies struggle for supremacy and lay claim to arrests and security breakthroughs (as was the case in Kabiru Sokoto’s arrest), interoperability becomes difficult to achieve. Nigeria does not lack the institutions to counter terrorism, but what Nigerian security and law enforcement agencies need to understand is that “success for one is success for all”. ”.

7. Community Policing Approach

In community policing, the community should be the primary objective for the police: its tacit support, its submission to law and order, its consensus, etc. It is therefore necessary to obtain the support of the community not only in the form of sympathy and approval but also in active participation in keeping the society safe. The police must build confidence in the community by conducting themselves professionally and showing the ability to hold volunteered information in the highest secrecy and protect those they have been entrusted to protect at all costs. In community policing, law enforcement agencies share power with residents of a community, and critical decisions need to be made at the neighbourhood level. Establishing and maintaining mutual trust between citizens of a community and the police is the main goal of the first component of community policing. In full partnership, law enforcement agencies and a community’s residents and business owners are supposed to identify core problems, propose solutions, and implement a solution. For this problem-solving process to operate effectively, the police need to devote time and attention to discovering the community’s concerns, and they need to recognise the validity of those concerns. If the police treat suspected terrorists/insurgents using methods and practices outside the law, such as collective punishment or arbitrary detention, this itself undermines the legitimacy of government and can create new grievances, inhibiting the effectiveness of counter-terror or counter-insurgency policies. However, in the real sense and in reality, the counter-terrorism in Nigeria is dominated by security operations (Audu & Zakimayu, 2021).

Conclusion and Recommendations

Young men almost exclusively lead and execute terrorist attacks globally. Nigeria, with its abundant unemployed labour force, exploitative politicians, radical clerics, a population prone to violence, and weakened national and community cohesion, provides a competitive advantage for militant and terrorist organisations, criminal networks, and corrupt political leaders. International experience in countering terrorism has shown that the key to preventing violence against the state and its citizens is policing that establishes government legitimacy and wins public support. In societies where endemic violence poses a threat, we should entrust the responsibility for security to police deployed among the population. Police are the public face of the government. By performing their duties in a professional manner, police build support for the government they represent. Acts committed by terrorists are crimes, which are the responsibility of the police and the criminal justice system. Killing or capturing terrorists when they are engaged in terrorist acts is not an effective solution to insecurity. The solution is to identify would-be terrorists before they commit acts of violence using information provided by citizens to the police. To make this approach work effectively, the police must recognise the importance of collaborating with citizens. The police must also adopt a citizen-oriented approach to policing. Police establish effective relations with the public by being available and easily accessible, by being responsive and acting promptly to requests for assistance from individuals, and by being fair and impartial, treating everyone professionally, respectfully, and empathetically. This approach is based on relationships, attitudes, and values. It requires neither advanced technical skills nor heavy weaponry.

Recommendations

1. The police should be provided with sophisticated equipment, discipline and training (the curricula in police training institutions must reflect present-day challenges, e.g., detailed courses on terrorism/military history, policing, forensics, etc.).

2. It is imperative that police officers undergo regular specialised training and retraining prior to deployment. This will equip them against the well-trained and equipped terrorists.

3. The funding and deployment of police officers for the counterterrorism operations should be depoliticised. The influence of the politicians on the processes of operation of the counterterrorism is affecting the smooth operation of the units if the funds set apart for their operation are misappropriated.

4. There should be a very strict and unbiased screening of the officers deployed into the counterterrorism units. This screening should be done by external bodies outside the government and its agencies. This will help rid the ranks and files of the moles that jeopardise their operations.

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Reflection of Postmodern Urban Sensibilities in Manjula Padmanabhan’s Harvest

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Citation

Suryawanshi, V. W. (2026). Reflection of Postmodern Urban Sensibilities in Manjula Padmanabhan’s Harvest. https://doi.org/10.26643/rb.v118i12.12581

Dr. Varsha Wamanrao Suryawanshi

Assistant Professor

Department of English

Sharda Mahavidyalaya, Parbhani. (MS)

Suryawanshi.varsha4@gmail.com

Abstract:

The present research paper discusses the play Harvest (1997) by Manjula Padmanabhan. In spite of its futuristic cast, the play focuses on postmodern urban spaces and its control on everyday life. The play portrays the self-devastating anguish of people who are stressed to live on in the fast-paced surroundings of a modern city. It depicts the economic anxiety of the marginalized deprived by asking them to sell their organs for a profit to the rich people. The play takes advantage of the policy of ‘futurization’ to tell the story of contemporary reality in an indirect way, as it is a work of ‘science fiction’. The situation of the helpless people of a developing country is depicted in the story. In the futuristic city, we see the new lifestyle of urban India: an aimless search for ‘equipment’, a general dependency on TV, and an addiction to modern props. In addition to these topics, Padmanabhan in addition highlights the troubles shaped by overpopulation in urban areas as she mentions organ trade, prison-like living circumstances, parents’ favouritism toward employed children, and women’s plight. The play Harvest explores not merely the postcolonial circumstances but also the process of neo-colonization. It sheds light on overseas procurers’ influence over third-world organ donors. The writer thus expresses subaltern survival of city dweller who is subjected to scarcity and manipulation in order to survive. In this game, the city is a separate entity. It initially fascinates the individual, but it eventually deceives them in its malicious spirals.

Keywords: Utopia, Dystopia, Postmodern, Urban, Neo-colonial.

Introduction:

Cities serve up as a space contractor for shelter, luxury, desire for a home, nostalgia, vision, fantasies, myth, fear, crime, estrangement, attraction, disease, dishonesty, excitement, disorder and menace to the socio-political, spiritual, and financial systems. Poets, dramatists, fiction and non-fiction writers, explicit novelists, voyage writers, and other documentarians commencing India began to center on two different aspects as innermost to the recognition of urban literature, where the position and collision of cities had began to be vibrantly portrayed and predictable. However, it should be renowned that certain cities in India be present mainly as an effect of their spiritual congregations and those celebrated Indian epics such as The Mahabharata and The Ramayana can be seen to attribute socio-cultural and sacred bases that are occasionally chronological, but frequently mythological re-imagined.

The play Harvest by Manjula Padmanabhan is set in the future, but it shows the horrible enforcement depression of individuals need wealth to survive in today’s challenging urban surroundings. The drama depicts the compulsion with which underprivileged people trade their organs. It presents a bleak future for deprived, immobilized people in developing nations. The play takes place to Bombay in 2010 AD while the trade of human organs is a recurrent practice. The play emphasizes on the suburbanites’ mingled esteem and dread of their method of life, as well as their rising fascination with electronic gadget. The organ donors, who were chiefly single-room occupants in a overcrowded Indian metropolis, trade their body parts to rich persons through worldwide approved and permitted agents. They mistake wealth for happiness because they lack fundamental human necessities.

A sense of importance and imminent though Padmanabhan has utilized as a innovative liberty to portray the deprivation practiced by deprived city dwellers in the twenty-first century, it is distinguish that she came up by way of the thought for Harvest through a meeting with her sister in Madras in early on 1995, when she was acquainted with the atrocious actuality of the trade-in of human organs while taking a morning walk around the town. In her article “The Story of Harvest” (1998), Padmanabhan describes how she observed numerous men in dress gowns and sterilized maw masks on a holiday to her sister in Madras in early 1995, which inspired her to write this piece. When she enquired further, she was already informed that they were deprived Tamil Nadu villagers recovering from kidney transplant operations. Later news items on the thriving organ trade inspired her to write about a frantic pursuit for immortality through cannibalism the corpses of the young and needy. Dystopia in the City on the surface, the drama is all about Om Prakash, he mislaid his job and lives with his family in a one-bedroom residence. He chooses to trade indefinite organs to a prosperous American woman named Ginni through a corporation called Inter Planta Services in order to obtain cash and soothe for his relatives. Inter Planta and the earpiece are worried with Om’s health and, as a consequence, have complete control over Om, his mother, and his wife Jaya’s lives in their one-room residence. Ginni, the beneficiary, checks in on them through videophone on a regular basis and act with them with contempt. Om’s sick brother Jeetu is first transported to contribute organs in place of Om, and then Om volunteers to see Ginni, who is portrayed as a seductive white woman. Ginni ultimately reveals herself to be somebody than what she was thought to be. Ginni is revealed to be Virgil, an elderly man in poor health.

The play’s underlying premise is rich in significance and depth, and it serves as a parable for the current socio-economic situation in third-world nations, particularly India, where organ selling is a familiar owing to increasing require for donated organs, elevated financial productivity, and unimpeded trafficking. Every recorded example of illicit body part harvesting and sale is motivated by profit, with little or no protection for victims of those whose bodies have sold as solitary portion at a time. Padmanabhan eloquently depicts the apathetic character of city inhabitants. All convicts have deceived family unit members and or lovers, and perhaps more importantly, they have violated their kindness, in their empty desire for riches, the instant inmate began achieving the console and the fake promises of alteration. Even their own blood Jeetu was overlooked by the mother and son Om. Om and Jeetu have a striking resemblance, as depicted by the dramatist. Om signed a contract with InterPlanta to make his body a commodity on the international market, whereas Jeetu in the present play is a prostitute who is selling his body for sexual enjoyment. As an effect, both guys were busy in the similar action.

Manjula Padmanabhan addresses the association among sexuality and cultural dissimilarity at the end of this soul-stirring narrative, addressing the oriental representation of alien, sexually attractive; so far possibly hazardous ‘Other’ that is unmoving prevalent in western discourse. Yet in the desire for Utopia by people from the Third State, the play implies that supposed Utopian world, where everyone shares the similar place with identical human rights, is difficult to achieve. Harvest speculate on the bumpy prepositions public by western cultures and third-world countries, as societal differences such as race, class, and colors are flattering less relevant than physical resemblance and adaptation. When the body is reduced to its functional organs, it becomes a wonderful leveler. In the play, the body becomes a contestation space wherever the colonial theater unfolds.

When we consider the title of the play Harvest, we can observe that the sound has a romantic connotation, as it is connected with affluence, abundance, profusion, the age of enlargement, and springy in many cultures. Not only that, but it is always associated with a spiritual entity that represents mother nature’s blessing, whether it be Maa Annapurna from Hindu mythology, Demeter from Greek mythology, or Ceres from Roman mythology. However, the play has taken a significant step forward in language growth, demonstrating the usage of ancient terminology in new but harmful ways. Organs are being harvested here. This is also indicative of the overpopulation problem in third-world countries. In the uber-medical environment, where bodily organs exercise power and money, the drama reverberates the idea of cannibalism of the body. So, in order to conceal the wicked act of neo-cannibalism in a contemporary urban environment, the word cannibalism is replaced with the distant added optimistic expression Harvest. Harvest’s science fiction rudiments, while important to the play’s tightly organized description, are kept mainly inside the confines of late twentieth century reality, ensuring the outlook shown is plausible.

Cultures’ human being and substance capital is exemplified by Padmanabhan’s take on the matter. Harvest’s macabre trade resembles its imperial forerunners in this regard, the trans-Atlantic slave trade, which proverb millions of colored bodies bought, sold, and traded for the advantage of European mercantile expansionism. The current trade in organs is situated within a range of unequal cross-cultural linkages due to these resonances between previous and present forms of the human body and or body part trafficking. The historical analogies are strengthened by the fact that IP services also manage a worldwide sexual market, which includes trade in exotic infants. F. the Play’s Postmodern Approach Harvest might thus be understood as a warning story concerning the potential (mis)uses of modern medical and reproductive research, as well as an indication on the financial and communal legacies of western imperialism, particularly when they interconnect with latest technologies. Padmanabhan uses the constantly fraught metaphor of cannibalism to distil some of the moral dilemmas presented by organ commerce with deft sarcasm. Om’s insult that Jeetu has been transferred to a human game reserve where the wealthy hunt socially disadvantaged people effectively prefigure cannibalism’s connotative reach such that it now refers to traits of developed rather than savage nations. Sofar as it is aggravated by a fable of renaissance—the reinstatement of infancy and completeness—the western cannibalism of third-world bodies in harvest has a ritualistic element. When Jeetu’s organs were transplanted into Ginni/Virgil, it’s not just a medicinal operation; metaphorical ‘money’ as well flows from the youthful, insolvent, and gorgeous to the old, wealthy, and hideous.

At other stage, the play’s indictment of a dehumanized Indian culture, which is depicted in microcosm through the vicious conflicts within the Prakash family, is heightened by the cannibalism metaphor. Harvest’s story also uses disease as a metaphor for the moral evils of a civilization driven by greed and self-interest to the point that a lucrative trade in body parts has become the norm. The sickness metaphor, on the other hand, works in a complicated way. It’s possible that the dirty world outside the sanitized Prakash housing unit is preferable to the sterile environment in which Om, Ma, and Jaya will be compelled to reside once their Interplanta contract kicks in.Jeetu’s presence precipitates a breakdown in the fragile connection between Donors and Receivers when he enters the unit covered in muck and grime and weeping sores: because he epitomizes the possibility of infection, he disturbs the tightly regulated Receiver world’s power and authority. As she lovingly treats Jeetu’s wounds, Jaya’s revolt against her cruel family and the demands of the system in which they have gotten engaged creates one of the play’s few sympathetic moments. Padmanabhan addresses the relationship between sexuality and cultural difference at the end of this unsettling narrative, addressing the concept of the exotic, sexually attractive, but potentially dangerous other that still exists in western discourse.

Jaya refuses to be a social gathering to a contract that efficiently puts Virgil in manages of her sexuality, just alike she had formerly rejected to repress her sexual requirements by playing the sedate wife of Om. As an effect, Jaya’s order that Virgil meets her in person before she considers his proposal serves as a broader challenge to Western civilizations to set aside harmful stereotypes and compulsive uncertainties of contagion in order to interact with other cultures on a more equal and respectful basis. From a postcolonial viewpoint, the play raises a significant question about the characters’ battle with choice. In this situation, their identities as deprived third-world people drive them to do desperate decisions. In both public and political discourse, it is critical to study the formation of both manliness and femaleness in the expression of cultural and national identity. This raises the question of what happens to men, male bodies, and masculinity notions in the postcolonial public sphere’s discursive articulation of nationalism. It’s also worth noting how male bodies were depicted and refashioned in the wake of postcolonial nationalism’s formation of contestation. Both the male characters Om and Jeetu are in a circumstance where their masculinity is threatened by their poverty. A woman is little more than a ‘body’ for enjoyment in a patriarchal society. Similarly, the play transfers the binaries of male and female to the third and first worlds, with third-world people playing the role of females whose primary identity is limited to their bodies.

Om sells his body, while Jeetu works as a male prostitute; therefore both of them are portraying themselves as female substitutes. The dehumanization of the poor continues, as we discover, ironically, that Jaya’s identity is reduced to her womb. This marginalization of third-world individuals is accomplished through challenging their traditional constructs of family, relationship, culture, and habitual practices, resulting in a theatrical battle between the identities of “East Vs. West” or, more specifically, India versus the West. The play follows a symmetrical pattern, with India’s projection limited to the body and a poor viewpoint, while the west is projected indirectly through a virtual picture due to money, power, and technology, all of which obstruct reality. This virtual world is an intriguing place that caters to enticing stereotyped young white women who attract brown men. Ginni gains the diaphanous status as a result of this. Ginni, who are you? Because there is a lot of sexual uncertainty throughout the play because, despite the fact that Ginni is portrayed as a (young attractive) white woman, it is only in the final scene that the playwright reveals Ginni’s true identity as an old white male. As a result, the female body serves as a site of contestation for both the colonizer and the colonized. Ginni’s persona reveals a lot about first-world projection. Ginni appears in numerous positions under this shady alias. She is a coloniser as well as the virtual reality of a superior species manufactured by doctored images.

The play depicts the blurring of limitations and the control of the west above third-world nations, with Ginni installing a virtual platform to contact Om, but it was in fact firm observation for Om and his whole family, despite the fact that only he had signed the Faustian pact with IP services. In a shocking turn of events, the guards abduct Jeetu instead of Om, and when he returns, he is utterly blind. Under the thrall of a potential sexual enchantment with Ginni, Jeetu becomes oblivious to the idea that he will be robbed of his body organ by organ. Nobody cares about Jeetu’s situation, not even his mother Ma, who is fascinated by the dramatic turn of events in her life, and watching television becomes her main pastime. Ginni/Virgil, who is desperate to reclaim his youth, is dissatisfied with the transplants from Jeetu’s body and sets out to seduce Jaya, because the elderly man with youthful transplants desires youthful female flesh at the moment. Jaya, who couldn’t bear the thought of being a wife to Om, who will lose his essential organs, wants her guy to be genuine. Virgil, on the other hand, is unwilling to risk physically entering Jaya’s disease-ridden world.

Conclusion

Harvest is not just a societal critique, but it also delves into the relationships between people from different countries. It emphasizes the neo-colonial market while also focusing on the blurring of political and psychological borders. The play explores the breakdown of societal and family relationships as a result of increased consumer product consumption and unending human materialistic pursuits; on the other side, it also depicts the operation of progressed countries in increasing countries to endorse consumerism for mercenary purposes.

Ginni’s physical flaws and wealth, as well as Om’s physical beauty and poverty, make them equal competitors. Om and his family are no longer on the oppressed end of the power equation because of their common needs. When Virgil, Ginni’s real self, begs Jaya to substitute his child, Jaya requests that he come in self to get her. Jaya is depicted as a powerful woman who prefers and chooses the real world over the virtual. Women’s bodies are frequently used to represent civilization, custom, society, and nation. Padmanabhan, through the character of Jaya, challenges the colonized world’s viewpoint by presenting the colonized world’s reverse gaze. So Padmanabhan has portrayed the dystopian image of the Future Indian through this play and has explored the terrible prospect of the third-world nations identical to harvest.

References:

1. Padmanabhan, Manjula. Harvest. New Delhi: Kali.1998

2. Frow, J. Bodies in Pieces” eds. L. Dale and S Ryan, The Bosy in the Library, Amsterdam: Rodopi. 1998

3. Gilbert, Helen.“Manjula Padmanabhan’s Harvest: Global Technoscapes and the International Trade in Human Body Organs.” Contemporary Theatre Review, 2006

4. Chatterjee, P.The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1993

5. Beatrice, Colomina, ed. Sexuality and Space. New York: Princeton Architectural, Press, 1992.

6. Brittan, Arthur. Masculinity and Power. UK: Basil Blackwell, 1989.

7. Brook, Peter. The Empty Space. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1986.

8. Halberstam, Judith. Female Masculinity. New Delhi: Zubaan, an imprint of Kali for Women, 2012.

9. McDowell, Linda. “Place and Space.” A Concise Companion to Feminist Theory. Ed. Mary Eagleton. USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2003.

10. Niranjana, Seemanthini. Gender and Space: Femininity, Sexualization and the Female Body. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2001.

A combination of Zingiber officinale and Allium sativum ethanol extracts prevented liver and kidney toxicities caused by doxorubicin in Wistar rats

Oraekei Daniel Ikechukwu1*, Okoye Odinachi Anthony2, Mba Ogbonnaya2, Abone Harrison Odera3, Obidiegwu Onyeka Chinwuba4

1Department of Pharmacology and Toxicology, Faculty of Pharmaceutical Sciences, Olivia University, Bujumbura, Burundi.
2Department of Pharmacology and Toxicology, Faculty of Pharmaceutical Sciences, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, PMB 5025 Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria.
3Department of Pharmaceutical Microbiology and Biotechnology, Faculty of Pharmaceutical Sciences, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria.
4Department of Pharmaceutical and Medicinal Chemistry, Faculty of Pharmaceutical Sciences, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria.
Daniel Ikechukwu Oraekei email: oraekeidanielikechukwu@gmail.com
Odinachi Anthony Okoye email: nachi.t.okoye@gmail.com
Ogbonnaya Mba email: mbabte@gmail.com
Harrison Odera Abone email: harrisonabone@gmail.com
Onyeka Chinwuba Obidiegwu email: oc.obidiegwu@unizik.edu.ng

*Corresponding author
Daniel Ikechukwu Oraekei,
1Department of Pharmacology and Toxicology, Faculty of Pharmaceutical Sciences, Olivia University, Bujumbura, Burundi.
Email: oraekeidanielikechukwu@gmail.com
Phone: +25771629919
ABSTRACT
Background: It is the function of the liver and kidneys to deal with processes concerning detoxification, metabolism, and the excretion of waste products. Aim: This study tested the liver and kidney protective effects of a combination of Z. officinale and A. sativum in Wister rats treated with doxorubicin. Methods: The qualitative phytochemical analysis and acute toxicity studies were carried out using standard methods. Bacterial lipopolysaccharide from Escherichia coli was used to induce systemic inflammatory and oxidative stress. The animals were pretreated for 14 days with the combined extracts of Z. officinale and A.sativum alone, the extracts with doxorubicin, and doxorubicin alone. LPS at 1 mg/kg intraperitoneally dissolved in normal saline was given daily to the animals along with the treatments for an additional 14 days. On the last day, the animals were anesthetized with ketamine and xylazine, and blood samples were withdrawn from the retro-orbital plexus of the animals into plain tubes. Serum alanine transaminase, Alkaline phosphatase, Serum creatinine, and blood urea nitrogen were estimated using standard methods. Results: among all tested phytochemicals, Z. officinale lacks tannins, steroids, Steroids and terpenoids, while A. sativum lacks saponins and glycosides. No mortality was observed after the acute toxicity study. Group 4 rats, which were treated with Z. officinae, A. sativun, and doxorubicin, showed lower serum levels of alanine aminotransferase, alkaline phosphatase, creatinine, and blood urea nitrogen than the control group. Conclusion: Z. officinale-A. sativum combination showed a favorable safety profile and also exhibited significant protective effects against chemotherapeutic liver and kidney toxicities.
Key words: Allium sativum, doxorubicin, kidney toxicity, liver toxicity, Zingiber officinale
INTRODUCTION
Background of the study
The liver and kidneys of the human body actively deal with processes concerning detoxification, metabolism, and the excretion of waste products. The protective role of natural products derived from plants against drug-induced damage to the organs has received significant attention. Zingiber officinale and Allium sativum are two widely used herbs in culinary and medicinal fields. They are well studied for their chemoprotective, anti-inflammatory, and antioxidant properties. (Oraekei et al., 2024). Z. officinale contains gingerol and shogaol, and A. sativum contains allicin and ajoene, and these are some of the active constituents that have properties to avert oxidative damage and enhance the functions of organs (Mao et al., 2019). Doxorubicin’s molecular composition leads to the production of free radicals and triggers oxidative stress, which is associated with cellular damage (Tacar et al., 2013). Doxorubicin is a chemotherapeutic agent that is effective in treating various cancers; it is known to induce oxidative stress, leading to hepatotoxicity and nephrotoxicity (Kciuk et al., 2023). Doxorubicin, also known as Adriamycin, is a widely used anthracycline antibiotic that’s actually derived from the bacterium Streptomyces peucetius. (Arcamone et al., 1969). Doxorubicin has been noted to have harmful effects on the liver (Abdulrhaman et al., 2025). It also decreases other protective components like cytochrome P-450 and glutathione in the rat’s liver (Timm etal., 2022). Notably, high glutathione levels have been shown to protect liver cells from Doxorubicin’s toxic effects (Deng et al., 2015). Doxorubicin’s long-term use is limited by severe side effects, including a potentially fatal heart condition that worsens with higher doses. (Belger et al., 2023). The combined use of Z. officinale and A. sativum may offer synergistic effects, potentially mitigating the toxic impact of chemotherapeutic agents like doxorubicin. This study aims to test the liver and kidney protective functions of a combination of Z. officinale and A. sativum in rats treated with doxorubicin. Through biochemical assays, the research seeks to determine whether this herbal blend can mitigate doxorubicin-induced toxicity and support liver and kidney health.
Aim of Study
The aim of the study is to test the liver and kidney protective effects of a combination of Z. officinale and A. sativum in Wister rats treated with doxorubicin.
Scope of Study
This study was narrowed to evaluate the biochemical changes in liver and kidney functions due to doxorubicin toxicity, assess key biomarkers like alanine aminotransferase (ALT), alkaline phosphatase (ALP), creatinine and blood urea nitrogen (BUN).
Literature review
Studies have shown doxorubicin to be a highly chemotherapeutic agent used in treating various cancers. Its use is limited due to the toxic effect it causes on various organs, including the liver and kidneys (Alshabanah et al., 2010). Renal and Hepatic functions are assessed by testing biomarkers such as Alanine aminotransferase (ALT), Aspartate aminotransferase (AST), Alkaline phosphatase (ALP), Creatinine levels, and Blood urea nitrogen (BUN) (Lala et al., 2023). Treatment with Z. officinale showed significant improvement in AST, ALT, and superoxide dismutase (SOD) activities (Abdel-Azeem et al., 2013). Z. officinale administered alone at 530 mg/kg body weight had a greater hepato-protective effect than when given in combination with A. sativum (Oraekei et al., 2024); and this study showed that Z. officinale significantly reduced liver and kidney damage, and the combination containing a higher proportion of Z. officinale was most protective than the other tested combinationse. High levels of ALP or BUN may indicate liver disease or a certain bone disorder or kidneys not functioning well (Lowe et al., 2023).
Herbal medicine combination in pharmacotherapy
When herbs are combined, a lot of interactions can occur, but the desirable interactions are those that can result in enhanced therapeutic benefit. The effects of herbal medicine combinations are usually variable. A herb can be used to potentiate the effect of another herb. An example is the combination of ginseng root and aconite daughter root in an anti-shock remedy (Che et al, 2013). In this combination, the aconite daughter root potentiated the effects of ginseng. Herbal drug combinations can also be antagonistic in their actions. An example is the interaction between turnip root and ginseng root, where ginseng is used as a tonic drug, but when used in the presence of turnip root, its effect will be reduced (Che et al, 2013).
Herb-Drug combination
The use of herb-drug combinations can lead to various clinical presentations, such as potentiation, as seen in the potentiation of the effect of oral corticosteroids by liquorice (Kahraman et al., 2021). The impact of herb-drug combinations can also provide effects that may be additive or antagonistic. Herb-drug combinations can lead to alterations in the gastrointestinal functions, which can affect drug absorption (Brantley et al., 2014). It can also cause induction and inhibition of metabolic enzymes and transport proteins (Fasinu et al., 2012). It can also lead to alteration of renal excretion of drugs and their metabolites (Dresser et al., 2002). Long-term use of St. John’s wort can lead to reduced clinical effectiveness of cytochrome P450 subtype CPY3A4 substrate drugs by CPY3A4 induction, which can cause rapid metabolism and a decrease in the dosage of the drugs (Markowitz et al., 2003).
Possible Herb-Drug Interactions
Herb-drug interactions can occur when herbal supplements are taken with prescription drugs and affect how the medications work in the body. There are so many herb-drug interactions like garlic increasing bleeding when taken with an anticoagulant (Hu et al., 2005). Ginseng interacts with anticoagulants and calcium channel blockers reducing their effects (Jiang et al., 2004). St John’s Wort poses high risks with drugs like cyclosporine, oral contraceptives, and indinavir (Roby et al., 2000).
Brief description of Zingiber officinale
Z. officinale is a rhizome that is widely used as a spice and a medicinal herb. It can be used fresh, dried, or in powdered form in the making of teas and cooking. It contains bioactive compounds like gingerol, which have anti-inflammatory or antioxidant properties. It is used in the treatment of nausea and for relief of cold (Mao et al., 2019).

Figure 1: Image of Z. officinale

Brief description of Allium Sativum
A. sativum is a bulbous plant in the onion family. It is widely used as a culinary spice and in traditional medicine. It has a pungent flavor, which comes from sulfur compounds like allicin. It enhances the cardiovascular system, supports the immune system, and has antimicrobial properties. (Ansary et al., 2020).
Figure 2: Image of A. Sativum.
Materials
Animals
Female Wister rats (230 – 240 g) were used for this study. All the animals were obtained from the animal house of the Department of Pharmacology and Toxicology, Enugu State University of Science and Technology, Enugu State, Nigeria. The animals were housed in standard laboratory conditions of 12 hours’ light, room temperature, 40-60% relative humidity, and fed with rodent feed (Guinea Feeds Nigeria Ltd). They were allowed free access to food and water. All animal experiments were conducted in compliance with the NIH guide for care and use of laboratory animals (National Institute of Health (NIH), 2011) Pub No: 85-23), and animal protocol was approved by Animal care and ethics committee of Enugu State University of Science and Technology with approval number ESUT/2025/AEC/0962/AP 845.
Plant materials
Fresh Z. officinale rhizome and A. sativum bulb were purchased from Ogbete main market in Enugu state, Nigeria.
Drug
Doxorubicin was used for this research.
Equipment
Glass column, flasks, beakers, test tubes, surgical blade, measuring cylinder, forceps, scissors, white transparent paper, Analytical Weighing balance(Metler H30, Switzerland), Electric oven, Water bath (Gallenkamp, England) Water bath, disposable pipette tips (Labcompare USA), intubation tubes, stop watch (Avi Scientific India), BUN and creatinine test kits (Teco Diagnostics, USA), precision pipettes (25, 50, 100, and 300 μl, 1,000 µL) (Labcompare USA), AST test kit (Span Diagnostics Ltd., India), UV-VIS spectrophotometer (Model 752, China), distilled or deionized water (SnowPure Water Technologies USA), micropipette (Finnipipette® Labsystems, Finland), disposable hand gloves (Supermax Malaysia), National Blender (Japan), ALP test kit (Span Diagnostics Ltd., India), ALT test kit (Span Diagnostics Ltd., India), plethysmometer (Biodevices, New Delhi, India).
Methods
Phytochemical analysis
The qualitative phytochemical analysis of the extracts was carried out using standard methods described by Odoh et al. (2019).
Test for alkaloids: The plant extracts (0.2 g) were heated in 20 mL of 2% acid solution (HCL) individually in a water bath for about 2 minutes. The resulting solutions were allowed to cool and then filtered, and then 5 mL of the filtrate was used for Hager’s test. The samples (5 mL) were placed in labeled test tubes, and a few drops of Hager’s reagent (saturated picric acid solution) were added. Formation of a yellow precipitate indicated the presence of alkaloids.
Test for glycosides
The samples were extracted with 1% H2SO4 solution in a hot water bath for about 2 minutes. The resulting solution was filtered and made distinctly alkaline by adding 4 drops of 20% KOH (confirmed with litmus paper). One milliliter of Fehling’s solution (equal volume of A and B) was added to the filtrates and heated on a hot water bath for 2 minutes. Brick red precipitate indicated the presence of glycosides.
Test for saponins
The plant extracts (0.2 g) were dissolved in methanol individually, and the resulting solutions were used for Frothing test. The samples (5 mL) were placed in labeled test tubes, and 5 mL of distilled water was added and the mixtures were shaken vigorously. The test tubes were observed for the presence of persistent froth.
Test for tannins
The plant extracts (0.2 g) were dissolved in methanol individually, and the resulting solutions were used for the test. To 3 mL of each of the samples, a few drops of 1% Ferric chloride were added and observed for brownish green or a blue-black coloration.
Test for flavonoids
Using methanol, 0.2 g of the plant extracts and fractions were dissolved individually, and the resulting solutions were used for Ammonium hydroxide test. A quantity of 2 mL of 10% ammonia solution was added to a portion of each of the samples and allowed to stand for 2 minutes. Yellow coloration at the lower ammoniacal layer indicated the presence of a flavonoid.
Test for steroids and terpenoids
Salkowski test: The plant extracts were dissolved in methanol individually, and the resulting solutions were used for the test. A 5 mL of each of the samples was mixed with 2 mL of chloroform, and concentrated H2SO4 was carefully added to form a layer. A reddish-brown coloration at the interface indicated a positive test.
Acute toxicity studies
Acute oral toxicity of the combination of Z. officinale, A. sativum (6:4) and doxorubicin (318, 212, and 5 mg/kg respectively) was performed according to the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD, 2021) guideline 425 for testing of chemicals (Up and down method). The single combination dose was administered to the animal based on their body weight. The animals were closely observed for the first 30 minutes, then for 4 hours. Food was provided after 2 hours of dosing. After the survival of the first treated animal, 4 more animals were treated with the same dose at an interval of 48 hours each. The control group of rats (n = 5) was administered with distilled water (vehicle used in preparing the herbal mixture) in the same volume as that of the treated group. All the groups were closely observed for 6 hours and then at regular intervals for 14 days. The animals were weighed and observed for mortality, salivation, diarrhea, asthenia, hypo-activity, hyperactivity, piloerection, hyperventilation, aggressiveness, yellowing or loss of hair fur, drowsiness, convulsion, tremor, dizziness, and other obvious signs of toxicity.
Experimental design
Bacterial lipopolysaccharide (LPS) from Escherichia coli, purchased from Sigma-Aldrich, was used to induce systemic inflammatory and oxidative stress states. The animals were pretreated for 14 days with the combined extracts of Z. officinale and A. sativum alone; the extracts with doxorubicin; and doxorubicin alone. LPS at 1 mg/kg intraperitoneal (I.P) dissolved in normal saline was given daily to the animals along with the treatments for an additional 14 days. Treatment was done 30 minutes before the LPS injection. On the last day, 2 hours after injection of LPS, the animals were anesthetized with ketamine and xylazine, and blood samples were withdrawn from the retro-orbital plexus of the animals into plain tubes.
Animal grouping (5 animals per group)
A total of 25 rats were allocated into five groups of five rats each. Group 1 were uninduced control (Naïve) and were treated with normal saline + 5 ml/kg distilled water via the oral route (p.o.). Group 2 were the negative control and was treated with LPS 1mg/kg i.p + 5 ml/kg distilled water p.o. Group 3 were treated with Z. officinale and A. sativum combination 6:4 (318:212 mg/kg p.o.) + LPS 1mg/kg i.p. Group 4 were treated with Z. officinale: A. sativum: doxorubicin combination (318:212: 5 mg/kg) + LPS 1 mg/kg i.p. While group 5 were treated with doxorubicin 5 mg/kg i. p.
Serum preparation
At the end of the study, blood samples were collected through retro-orbital plexus into a plain covered test tube. The blood samples were allowed to clot by leaving them undisturbed at room temperature for 30 minutes. The clots were removed by centrifuging at 2,000 x g for 10 minutes in a refrigerated centrifuge. The resulting supernatant (serum) was immediately transferred into a clean polypropylene tube using a Pasteur pipette. The samples were maintained at 2–8 °C while handling and apportioned into 0.5 ml aliquots.
Hepatic function tests.
Quantitative determination of alanine aminotransferase (ALT)
Serum alanine transaminase was estimated by the method described by Oraekei et al., (2024) using the ALT test kit (Span Diagnostics Ltd., India). A 0.25 ml of mixture of L-alanine (200 mmol/l), α-oxoglutarate (2.0 mmol/l), and phosphate buffer (100 mmol/l) was added to 0.5 ml of each sample and blank (containing distilled water). They were mixed and incubated at 37 °C for exactly 30 minutes in a water bath. A 0.25 ml of 2,4- dinitrophenylhydrazine was added to the sample and blank test tubes and incubated again at room temperature for 20 minutes. A 2.5 ml of sodium hydroxide (0.4 mol) was then added to all the test tubes, and the absorbance of the sample was read against the blank at 546 nm using a UV-VIS spectrophotometer (Model 752, China). The ALT concentration was extrapolated from a graph of concentration against wavelength absorbance of known ALT concentrations.
Quantitative determination of alkaline phosphatase (ALP)
Alkaline phosphatase was estimated by the method described by Colville (2002) using the ALP test kit (Span Diagnostics Ltd., India). A 0.5 ml of Alkaline Phosphatase substrate was placed in the sample and blank labeled test tubes and equilibrated to 37 °C for 3 minutes. At a timed interval, 0.05 ml each of standard, control (deionized water), and sample was added to its respective test tubes. The mixture was incubated for 10 minutes at 37 °C. A 2.5 ml of alkaline phosphatase color developer (0.1 M Sodium Hydroxide and 0.1 M sodium Carbonate) was added and properly mixed. The absorbance of the samples was read at 590 nm using a UV-VIS spectrophotometer (Model 752, China) and recorded. ALP concentration was calculated using the equation below;
Calculation of ALP concentration
ALP= (Abs of samples x value of standard (IU/L¬))/(Abs of standard)
Where Standard Value = 50 IU/L
Renal function tests
Serum creatinine and blood urea nitrogen (BUN) were estimated by the method described by Tietz (1976) and Heinegard and Tiderstrom (1973), respectively, using creatinine and BUN test kits (Teco Diagnostics, USA).
Quantitative determination of creatinine
Creatinine working reagent was prepared by combining equal volumes of 10 mM picric acid and Creatinine buffer reagent (10 mM sodium borate, 240 nM sodium hydroxide). Then 3.0 ml of this reagent was added to labelled tubes (test, blank, and standard) to which 100 µl of serum (test), 5 mg/dl of Creatinine (Standard), and distilled water (blank) were added and mixed in their designated test tubes. The tubes were incubated at 37 °C for 15 minutes, and the absorbance was measured spectrophotometrically at 520 nm against a test blank. The concentration of Creatinine (mg/dl) was calculated thus:
Creatinine= (Abs of Test)/(Abs of Std) ×Conc.of Std
Where Abs = Absorbance, Std = Standard
Quantitative determination of blood urea nitrogen
A 1.5 ml of BUN Enzyme reagent (containing 10,000 µ/l Urease, 6.0 mmol/l sodium salicylate, 3.2 mmol/l sodium nitroprusside) was added to 10 µl of Test (serum), Standard (20 mg/dl), and Blank (distilled water) followed by incubation for 5 minutes at 37 °C. At a timed interval, 1.5 ml of BUN color developer (6 mmol/L of sodium Hypochlorite and 130 mmol/l sodium hydroxide) was added to each of the labelled tubes and were incubated for another 5 minutes at 37 °C. The absorbance of the tests and standards was measured spectrophotometrically at 630 nm against a blank. Urea nitrogen concentration (mg/dl) was calculated thus:
BUN= (Abs of Test)/(Abs of Std) ×Conc.of Std
Where Abs = Absorbance, Std = Standard
Results
Table 1: Phytochemical analysis of Z. officinale and A.sativum
Phytocompounds Zingiber officinale Allium sativum
Alkaloids + +
Saponins + –
Tannins – +
Flavonoids + +
Steroids and terpenoids – +
Glycosides + –
Yield 44.8 g (11.2%) 62.4 g (15.6%)
Key: + = Present; – = Absent
Acute toxicity study
No mortality was observed throughout the observational period. Reduced physical activities were observed after drug administration, but normalcy was restored 30 minutes later. Other observations were similar to those of the control group that received the vehicle. Delayed signs of toxicity were not recorded within the 14-day observational periods.
Liver and kidney function tests
Figure 1: Serum level of alanine aminotransferase (ALT)
Figure 2: Serum level of alkaline phosphatase (ALP)

Figure 3: Serum level of creatinine
Figure 4: Serum level of blood urea nitrogen (BUN)
Discussion
In the present study, the phytochemical composition and protective effects of a combined extract of Z. officinale and A. sativum against doxorubicin-induced toxicity were investigated, with a particular focus on liver and kidney function biomarkers. The phytochemical analysis revealed that both Z. officinale and A. sativum contain bioactive compounds such as alkaloids and flavonoids, known for their antioxidant, anti-inflammatory, and hepatoprotective properties. Z. officinale showed the presence of saponins and glycosides, which were absent in A. sativum, while A. Sativum uniquely contained tannins and a combination of steroids and terpenoids, which were absent in Z. officinale. These differences suggest that the combination of both plants could offer a wider spectrum of protective phytochemicals than each of the herbs alone. A study conducted by Mao et al., (2019) confirmed the presence of bioactive compounds like flavonoids and gingerols in Z. officinale, which exhibited antioxidant and anti-inflammatory properties.
The acute toxicity assessment showed no mortality or significant adverse effects in the treated animals over a 14-day observation period. Although a temporary reduction in physical activity was observed shortly after extract administration, the animals recovered within 30 minutes. This rapid return to normal behavior, coupled with the absence of delayed toxicity signs, suggests that the herbal combination is safe at the administered dosage. Z. officicinale was shown to be safe when administered in rats at doses up to 2000 mg/kg. (Rong et al., 2009)
Biochemical analyses further supported the extract’s protective effects. Doxorubicin, known for its potent chemotherapeutic activity as well as its hepatotoxic and nephrotoxic side effects, significantly elevated serum markers of liver and kidney injury. Alanine aminotransferase (ALT), a key indicator of liver cell damage, increased significantly following doxorubicin administration. However, animals pre-treated with the Z. officinale-A. sativum combination exhibited a significant reduction of ALT levels compared to the doxorubicin-only group, indicating a strong hepatoprotective effect of the extracts. Similarly, levels of alkaline phosphatase (ALP), another marker of hepatic function, were elevated by doxorubicin treatment but attenuated in animals co-treated with the extracts. The extract alone maintained ALP and ALT levels close to those of the healthy control group, suggesting it has no intrinsic hepatotoxicity and may even support liver health under normal conditions.
Renal functions, assessed via serum creatinine and blood urea nitrogen (BUN), also deteriorated significantly in response to doxorubicin. However, treatment with the Z. officinale-A. sativum combination weakened these effects. Although creatinine and BUN levels remained higher than those of untreated controls, they were significantly lower than in the doxorubicin-only group, indicating nephroprotection. The extract alone maintained creatinine and BUN levels within normal ranges, again reinforcing its safety and potential therapeutic value.
Overall, the results demonstrated that the combined extract of Z. officinale and A. sativum can effectively reduce biochemical signs of liver and kidney toxicity induced by doxorubicin. This protective effect is likely due to the synergistic action of the various phytochemicals present in both plants. Alkaloids, flavonoids, saponins, glycosides, tannins, and terpenoids are all known to contribute to antioxidant defense mechanisms and membrane stabilization, which may account for the observed mitigation of organ damage.
Conclusion
From this study, the Z. officinale-A. sativum combination not only showed a favorable safety profile but also exhibited significant protective effects against chemotherapeutic toxicity. These findings suggest that such a combination could serve as a promising adjunct therapy to reduce organ damage in patients undergoing doxorubicin treatment.

Acknowledgement
I am thankful to God for his unwavering support throughout this study. My appreciation also goes to Dr. Ajaghaku Lotenna Daniel and the laboratory technologists of the Pharmacology and Toxicology department, Enugu State University of Science and Technology, for their expertise that enabled the smooth completion of this study.
Disclosure of conflict of interest
Daniel Ikechukwu Oraekei declared no conflict of interest
Odinachi Anthony Okoye declared no conflict of interest
Ogbonnaya Mba declared no conflict of interest
Harrison Odera Abone declared no conflict of interest
Onyeka Chinwuba Obidiegwu declared no conflict of interest
Statement of ethical approval
Maintenance and care of all animals were carried out in accordance with EU Directive 2010/63/EU for animal experiments. Guide for the care and use of Laboratory Animals, DHHS Publ. # (NIH 86-123) were strictly adhered to. Animal protocol was approved by the Animal Care and Ethics Committee of Enugu State University of Science and Technology with approval number ESUT/2025/AEC/0962/AP 845. There was additional approval by the Nnamdi Azikiwe University’s Ethical Committee for the use of Laboratory Animals for Research Purposes (Approval number is NAU/AREC/2025/0077).

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[28]. Heinegard D and Tiderstrom G. (1973). Direct endpoint procedure for the
determination of creatinine. Clinica Chimica Acta, 1973; 43: 305.

[29]. Rong, X., Peng, G., Suzuki, T., Yang, Q., Yamahara, J., & Li, Y. (2009). A 35-
day gavage safety assessment of ginger in rats. Regulatory toxicology and
pharmacology: RTP, 54(2), 118–123.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.yrtph.2009.03.002.

Daily writing prompt

What advice would you give to your teenage self?

View all responses

Can we use sunscreen at night and does it actually help your skin?

Introduction

A few weeks ago, during a late clinic discussion, someone asked me something I honestly didn’t expect: Can we use sunscreen at night and would it give “extra protection” or maybe even repair the skin? It sounds harmless, almost logical. If sunscreen protects during the day, maybe using it before bed adds another layer of defense?

Core idea explained

What it means in simple words

Sunscreen is designed to protect your skin from ultraviolet radiation, specifically UVA and UVB rays from the sun. At night, there is no sunlight exposure. That’s the simple biological truth. So applying a product whose primary function is UV filtering does not serve its main purpose in darkness.

Most sunscreens contain active ingredients such as zinc oxide, titanium dioxide, or chemical filters like avobenzone. These ingredients work by reflecting or absorbing UV radiation. Without UV radiation, they don’t have a “job” to do. It’s a bit like wearing a raincoat indoors. Not harmful by default, but not particularly useful either.

Why people search for this topic

Many patients search this because they are worried about hyperpigmentation, melasma, acne scars, or premature aging. Others think that indoor light, phone screens, or moonlight may damage their skin at night. Social media sometimes exaggerates blue light risks, and that fuels confusion.

There’s also the belief that “more protection is always better.” In medicine though, more is not always better. It has to be appropriate and necessary.

Evidence-based medicine perspective

Scientific principles involved

From a dermatological standpoint, UV radiation is the primary environmental factor that sunscreen is meant to counter. The sun emits UVA and UVB rays during daylight hours. At night, UV radiation from natural sunlight is essentially absent.

Visible light from indoor bulbs and screens does not contain significant UVB. Some high-energy visible light, often called blue light, may contribute to pigmentation in certain individuals, especially those with darker skin types. But sunscreen is not universally recommended at night for this. Instead, dermatologists may suggest antioxidants or barrier-repair moisturizers.

Clinical guidelines from major dermatology associations emphasize daily morning application of broad-spectrum SPF. They do not recommend routine nighttime use. In fact, unnecessarily layering sunscreen overnight may increase the risk of clogged pores, particularly in oily or acne-prone skin.

Typical patterns people notice in real life

In practice, I’ve seen a few patterns. People who use sunscreen overnight sometimes report heaviness, breakouts, or mild irritation. Especially if they don’t cleanse properly before bed. Sunscreen formulations are designed to sit on the surface and resist sweat or water. That durability is helpful during the day, but overnight it can feel occlusive.

On the other hand, if someone mistakenly uses a product labeled “day cream with SPF” at night once or twice, it’s usually not dangerous. It’s just unnecessary.

Practical guidance

Daily routine tips

A simple, evidence-based skincare routine works best. In the morning: cleanse, moisturize if needed, and apply a broad-spectrum SPF 30 or higher. Reapply during prolonged sun exposure. That’s it.

At night: cleanse thoroughly to remove sunscreen, pollutants, and makeup. Then use a gentle moisturizer or treatment tailored to your skin type. If you have acne, a dermatologist might suggest topical retinoids or benzoyl peroxide. If you struggle with pigmentation, ingredients like niacinamide or azelaic acid may help.

You don’t need SPF in the dark. Your skin actually benefits from focusing on repair at night, not UV defense.

Food and lifestyle suggestions

Skin health isn’t only about creams. Adequate hydration, a balanced diet rich in fruits, vegetables, and omega-3 fatty acids, and proper sleep all support the skin barrier. Stress management matters too. I’ve noticed that patients who sleep poorly often see more inflammation or dullness.

Avoid smoking. Limit excessive alcohol. And please don’t over-layer products just because a trend says so. Sometimes less really is more, even if that sounds boring.

What to avoid

Avoid skipping cleansing at night, especially if you wore sunscreen during the day. Residue buildup can lead to clogged pores.

Avoid assuming that more SPF equals better long-term skin health when it’s not needed. Using sunscreen at night won’t prevent aging in a meaningful way because there’s no UV exposure to block.

And don’t rely solely on influencers for medical advice. Some advice sounds convincing but lacks scientific backing.

Safety and when to seek medical help

If you notice persistent redness, itching, swelling, or worsening acne after changing your skincare routine, it’s wise to consult a qualified medical professional. Severe reactions such as hives or facial swelling require prompt evaluation.

People with conditions like rosacea, melasma, or severe acne should ideally discuss product choices with a dermatologist. There is no one-size-fits-all routine. What works for one person may not work for another, and that’s normal.

Importantly, sunscreen is essential during the day to reduce the risk of photoaging and skin cancer. But at night, your focus should shift toward gentle care and skin repair.

Conclusion

So, is applying SPF before bed a good idea? In most cases, no. It doesn’t add meaningful protection and may even irritate sensitive or acne-prone skin. Evidence-based medicine supports targeted use: sunscreen during the day, restorative care at night.

Stick to simple, science-backed habits. Share this article with someone who might be confused about skincare myths, and explore more practical, trustworthy guidance on AskDocDoc. Small informed choices today can protect your skin long term.

FAQs

Can sunscreen damage my skin if I wear it overnight once?

Wearing it once overnight is unlikely to cause serious harm. Some people may experience mild breakouts or irritation, but for most it’s just unnecessary rather than dangerous.

Does indoor light at night require sunscreen?

Standard indoor lighting does not emit significant UV radiation. Sunscreen is generally not required at night for indoor exposure.

Is blue light from phones a reason to use SPF at bedtime?

Current evidence does not support routine nighttime sunscreen for phone exposure. Antioxidants may be more relevant if pigmentation is a concern.

What should I apply on my face before sleeping instead?

A gentle cleanser followed by a moisturizer suited to your skin type is usually enough. Depending on your concerns, a dermatologist might suggest retinoids or other active treatments.

Can skipping sunscreen at night make pigmentation worse?

Pigmentation is mainly triggered by UV exposure during the day. Protecting your skin in daylight hours is far more important than applying SPF in the dark.null

India’s Evolving Role in Environmental Protection: A Study in Post-Globalization Era

Daily writing prompt

What is your favorite drink?

View all responses

Citation

Papparaya, & Yatanoor, C. M. (2026). India’s Evolving Role in Environmental Protection: A Study in Post-Globalization Era. International Journal of Research, 13(1), 599–607. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijr/2026/v13i1-2

Papparaya

Research Scholar

Department of Political Science

Gulbarga University, Kalaburagi, 585 106

Karnataka

papparaya123@gmail.com

Prof. Chandrakant. M. Yatanoor

Senior Professor & Chairman

Department of Political Science

Gulbarga University, Kalaburagi, 585 106

Karnataka

cmyatanoor@rediffmail.com

Abstract:

The advent of globalization, particularly following India’s economic liberalization in 1991, has presented a complex and often contradictory set of challenges and opportunities for the nation’s environmental governance. This paper examines India’s evolving role in environmental protection in this transformative period. It argues that globalization has acted as a dual-edged sword, concurrently accelerating environmental degradation through rapid industrialization and consumerism, while also providing access to green technologies, international finance, and a platform for global environmental diplomacy. The paper analyses the trajectory of India’s domestic environmental policy, highlighting the critical role of judicial activism and the strengthening of legal and institutional frameworks, such as the National Green Tribunal. It further explores India’s transition on the international stage from a cautious participant to a proactive leader, exemplified by its instrumental role in the Paris Agreement and the launch of initiatives like the International Solar Alliance (ISA). Despite these advancements, significant challenges persist, including a persistent gap between policy formulation and implementation, the contentious development-versus-environment debate, and acute vulnerability to climate change. The paper concludes that India’s future role is pivotal; its ability to successfully navigate the intricate nexus of economic growth and ecological sustainability will not only determine its own developmental trajectory but also have profound implications for global environmental security.

Keywords: Globalization, Environmental Protection, India, Sustainable Development, Climate Change, Environmental Policy, Judicial Activism, International Solar Alliance (ISA).

Introduction:

The process of globalization, characterized by the accelerated integration of economies, cultures, and societies, has fundamentally reshaped the global environmental landscape. For developing nations, this integration has been a catalyst for unprecedented economic growth, but it has often come at a significant ecological cost¹. India, since its economic liberalization in 1991, stands as a prime case study of this complex dynamic. As one of the world’s fastest-growing major economies and its most populous nation, India’s developmental pathway and its approach to environmental stewardship carry immense global weight. The post-globalization era has forced India to confront a dual reality: the pressures of resource-intensive growth and pollution on one hand, and the opportunities for international collaboration and technological advancement in sustainability on the other².

Before 1991, India’s environmentalism was largely shaped by domestic concerns, culminating in foundational legislation like the Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974, the Air (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1981, and the comprehensive Environment (Protection) Act, 1986, which was enacted in the aftermath of the Bhopal gas tragedy³. However, the post-1991 economic reforms unshackled the industrial sector, attracted Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and integrated India into global supply chains. This unleashed economic forces that placed immense strain on the country’s natural resource base and its nascent regulatory capacity.

Now, it is essential to examine India’s evolving role in environmental protection since 1991. It reveals that India’s journey has been one of adaptation and transformation, characterized by a reactive strengthening of domestic policy in response to escalating environmental crises and a gradual, yet decisive, shift towards a leadership role in global environmental diplomacy. This paper analysed the dual impacts—negative and positive—of globalization on India’s environment. It will then trace the evolution of the nation’s domestic legal and institutional frameworks, with a special focus on the crucial role of judicial activism. Subsequently, India’s engagement in international environmental forums is discussed. The persistent challenges and future prospects for sustainable development in India are also analysed.

The Dual Impact of Globalization on India’s Environment

Globalization’s effect on India’s environment is not monolithic; it has simultaneously been a source of degradation and a catalyst for positive change.

A. Negative Externalities and Accelerated Degradation

The most visible consequence of economic liberalization was the rapid pace of industrialization and urbanization. The drive to attract investment and boost manufacturing output often led to the relaxation of environmental oversight, creating “pollution havens” in certain industrial clusters⁴. This resulted in:

Increased Pollution: Air and water pollution levels surged. The proliferation of thermal power plants, vehicular emissions in rapidly growing cities, and untreated industrial effluents from sectors like textiles, tanneries, and chemicals have led to a severe public health crisis. A 2020 report noted that 22 of the world’s 30 most polluted cities were in India, with Particulate Matter (PM2.5) concentrations far exceeding World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines⁵.
Resource Depletion: The demands of a globalized economy have intensified pressure on India’s natural resources. Deforestation for mining, infrastructure projects, and industrial agriculture has accelerated. Water tables have plummeted due to unsustainable extraction for both agriculture and industry, leading to acute water stress in many parts of the country⁶.
Consumption Patterns and Waste Management: Globalization introduced global brands and fostered a culture of consumerism. This, coupled with rapid urbanization, has led to a monumental increase in municipal solid waste, plastic waste, and electronic waste (e-waste). The infrastructure for managing this waste has failed to keep pace, resulting in overflowing landfills, polluted water bodies, and informal, hazardous recycling practices⁷.

B. Positive Opportunities and Catalysts for Change

Despite these severe negative impacts, globalization has also provided pathways for environmental improvement.

Access to Green Technology and Finance: Integration with the global economy has facilitated the transfer of cleaner and more efficient technologies. India has become one of the world’s largest markets for renewable energy, driven by falling costs of solar panels and wind turbines, largely imported or produced with foreign technology. Furthermore, international financial mechanisms, such as the Green Climate Fund and FDI in sustainable projects, have provided crucial capital for India’s green transition⁸.
Enhanced Global Awareness and Civil Society: Globalization has connected Indian environmental movements with international networks. This has amplified the voices of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society groups, enabling them to exert greater pressure on the government and corporations. Global norms and standards regarding environmental protection and corporate social responsibility have slowly begun to influence domestic policy and corporate behavior⁹.
Pressure from International Markets: As Indian companies became more integrated into global supply chains, they faced increasing pressure from international buyers and consumers to adhere to higher environmental and labour standards. This has incentivized some export-oriented industries to adopt cleaner production processes and obtain international certifications like ISO 14001.

The Evolution of Domestic Environmental Governance

In response to the escalating environmental crises of the post-globalization era, India’s domestic governance framework underwent a significant, albeit often reactive, evolution, driven primarily by judicial intervention and subsequent legislative action.

(i) The Era of Judicial Activism

Perhaps the most significant development in Indian environmental jurisprudence has been the proactive role of the judiciary. Through Public Interest Litigations (PILs), the Supreme Court of India and various High Courts have expanded the interpretation of the Constitution to protect the environment. The court declared that the “Right to Life” under Article 21 of the Constitution includes the right to a clean and healthy environment¹⁰. This principle became the basis for numerous landmark judgments:

In the M.C. Mehta v. Union of India series of cases, the Supreme Court issued directives on controlling pollution in the Ganga River, relocating polluting industries from Delhi, and mandating the use of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) for public transport in the capital¹¹.
The judiciary established key environmental principles in Indian law, including the “precautionary principle,” the “polluter pays principle,” and the doctrine of “public trust,” which holds that the state is a trustee of natural resources for the public¹².

This judicial activism filled a critical void left by executive and legislative inertia, compelling the government to act on pressing environmental issues.

(ii) Strengthening of Institutional and Legal Frameworks

Prompted by judicial orders and growing public pressure, the government strengthened its institutional architecture.

The National Green Tribunal (NGT): A landmark development was the establishment of the National Green Tribunal in 2010. The NGT is a specialized judicial body equipped with expertise to handle environmental cases effectively and expeditiously. It has delivered several impactful judgments, including bans on old diesel vehicles, regulations on sand mining, and penalties for environmental violations, establishing itself as a powerful environmental watchdog¹³.
New Policies and Regulations: The post-globalization era saw the introduction of a new suite of environmental regulations targeting specific problems. These include the E-Waste (Management) Rules, 2016; Plastic Waste Management Rules, 2016; and Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016. The National Environment Policy (2006) was formulated to mainstream environmental concerns into all development activities¹⁴.
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA): The EIA notification, first issued in 1994 and subsequently amended, made environmental clearance mandatory for a wide range of development projects. However, the EIA process has been a subject of intense debate, with critics arguing that recent amendments, such as the draft EIA Notification 2020, have sought to dilute environmental safeguards in favor of promoting “ease of doing business”¹⁵.

India on the Global Stage: International Environmental Diplomacy

India’s role in international environmental negotiations has transformed significantly. Initially, its stance was defensive, strongly advocating for the principle of “Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities” (CBDR-RC) to emphasize the historical responsibility of developed nations for climate change and to protect its own “right to develop”¹⁶. While this principle remains a cornerstone of its foreign policy, India’s approach has become more proactive and solution-oriented.

A. Leadership in Climate Action: The Paris Agreement

At the 2015 Paris Climate Conference (COP21), India played a crucial role as a bridge between developed and developing nations, helping to forge the final consensus. It submitted ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), which included:

Reducing the emissions intensity of its GDP by 33-35% by 2030 from 2005 levels.
Achieving about 40% of cumulative electric power installed capacity from non-fossil fuel-based energy resources by 2030.
Creating an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to 3 billion tonnes of CO2 equivalent through additional forest and tree cover by 2030.

At COP26 in Glasgow (2021), India further enhanced these commitments, pledging to achieve net-zero emissions by 2070 and setting a target of 500 GW of non-fossil fuel energy capacity by 2030¹⁷.

B. Proactive Multilateral Initiatives

Beyond its commitments, India has launched major international initiatives, positioning itself as a leader of the Global South in the green transition.

International Solar Alliance (ISA): Co-founded by India and France in 2015, the ISA is a treaty-based intergovernmental organization that aims to mobilize technology and finance to promote the widespread deployment of solar energy. With over 120 signatory countries, the ISA is a testament to India’s vision of “one sun, one world, one grid” and its leadership in climate solutions¹⁸.
Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI): Launched by India at the 2019 UN Climate Action Summit, the CDRI is a multi-stakeholder global partnership that aims to promote the resilience of new and existing infrastructure systems to climate and disaster risks. This initiative addresses a critical adaptation need for developing countries¹⁹.

These initiatives signal a strategic shift in India’s role from being a mere rule- mntaker in global environmental governance to an active agenda-setter.

Challenges and Future Directions

Despite significant progress in policy formulation and international diplomacy, India faces formidable challenges in translating its ambitions into on-the-ground reality.

The Implementation Gap: A chasm persists between India’s well-formulated environmental laws and their enforcement. State Pollution Control Boards (SPCBs) and other regulatory bodies are often underfunded, understaffed, and susceptible to political and corporate influence. This results in widespread non-compliance and continued environmental degradation²⁰.
Development vs. Environment Dichotomy: The tension between achieving rapid economic growth and ensuring environmental protection remains a central political challenge. The government has often been accused of prioritizing industrial and infrastructure projects by diluting environmental regulations, as seen in the controversies surrounding forest clearances and the EIA process.
Climate Change Vulnerability: India is one of the country’s most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, including extreme weather events, sea-level rise, and water scarcity. Adapting to these impacts will require massive investment and planning, diverting resources that are also needed for mitigation and poverty alleviation²¹.
Resource Inefficiency and Circular Economy: India’s economy is still highly resource-intensive. Transitioning to a circular economy model, which emphasizes resource efficiency, recycling, and waste minimization, is crucial but remains in its nascent stages.

In the future, India’s role will be defined by its ability to address these challenges. Key priorities must include strengthening regulatory institutions, investing in enforcement capacity, mainstreaming sustainability into economic planning, and fostering public participation in environmental decision-making.

Conclusion:

The era of globalization has profoundly shaped India’s environmental trajectory, presenting it with a formidable set of problems and a unique array of opportunities. The pressures of a rapidly growing, market-integrated economy have undeniably exacerbated pollution, resource depletion, and ecological stress. However, this same period has seen the rise of a powerful and independent judiciary, the creation of a sophisticated legal framework, and the emergence of India as a credible and influential voice in global environmental diplomacy.

India’s role is inherently paradoxical: it is a major contributor to global environmental challenges, yet it is also a source of innovative, large-scale solutions, particularly in the renewable energy sector. Its leadership through platforms like the ISA and CDRI demonstrates a clear intent to shape a more sustainable global future. The ultimate test, however, lies in its domestic performance. Bridging the gap between policy and practice, resolving the conflict between short-term economic gains and long-term ecological security, and building a truly sustainable development model are the defining challenges for India in the 21st century. The success or failure of this endeavour will not only determine the well-being of its 1.4 billion citizens but will also be a critical factor in humanity’s collective effort to secure a viable planetary future.

References:

J. A. Frankel, “The Environment and Globalization,” in Globalization: What’s New, M. M. Weinstein, Ed. New York: Columbia University Press, 2005, pp. 129-169.
E. S. Somanathan and R. S. Kumar, “Environmental Policy in India: A Review,” in A Companion to the Indian Economy, P. Basu, Ed. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011, pp. 491-508.
S. Divan and A. Rosencranz, Environmental Law and Policy in India: Cases, Materials and Statutes, 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.
S. Murty, B. N. Kumar, and M. Paul, “Environmental Regulation, Productive Efficiency and Abatement Cost in Indian Cement Industry,” Ecological Economics, vol. 59, no. 1, pp. 123-134, Aug. 2006.
IQAir, World Air Quality Report 2020: Region & City PM2.5 Ranking, 2021. [Online]. Available: https://www.iqair.com/world-air-quality-report
NITI Aayog, Composite Water Management Index, Government of India, New Delhi, Jun. 2018.
Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), Annual Report 2018-19 on Implementation of Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016, New Delhi: Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, 2019.
International Energy Agency (IEA), India Energy Outlook 2021, Paris: IEA, Feb. 2021.
A. Kothari, “Environment and Globalization: A View from India,” Development, vol. 48, no. 2, pp. 81-86, Jun. 2005.
P. Leelakrishnan, Environmental Law in India, 4th ed. New Delhi: LexisNexis, 2016.
M. C. Mehta v. Union of India, (1987) 1 SCC 395 (Oleum Gas Leak Case).
L. Rajamani, “The Right to a Healthy Environment in India: The Judiciary’s Role,” Review of European, Comparative & International Environmental Law, vol. 11, no. 2, pp. 175-184, Jul. 2002.
G. P. Wilson, “India’s National Green Tribunal: A Robust Environmental Court,” Journal of Environmental Law, vol. 27, no. 1, pp. 131-143, Mar. 2015.
Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC), National Environment Policy, 2006, Government of India, New Delhi, 2006.
K. C. S. Kartha and L. V. Kumar, “Dilution of Environmental Norms: An Analysis of the Draft EIA Notification 2020,” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 55, no. 34, pp. 10-13, Aug. 2020.
N. Dubash, “The Politics of Climate Change in India: Narratives of Equity and Co-benefits,” Wires Climate Change, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 191-201, May/Jun. 2013.
Government of India, India’s Updated First Nationally Determined Contribution Under Paris Agreement (2021-2030), submitted to UNFCCC, Aug. 2022. [Online]. Available: https://unfccc.int/NDCREG
International Solar Alliance, About ISA, [Online]. Available: https://isolaralliance.org/about/
Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure, About CDRI, [Online]. Available: https://www.cdri.world/about-cdri
S. Narain, “The Challenge of Implementation in India’s Environmental Governance,” in The Oxford Handbook of the Indian Economy, C. Ghate, Ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012, pp. 603-625.
Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), “Climate Change 2022: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability,” Contribution of Working Group II to the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Cambridge University Press, 2022.

RiseGuide Introduces SEEK: A Curated Expert Knowledge Engine Designed to Reduce AI Hallucinations and Information Overload

The exponential growth of digital content has fundamentally reshaped how individuals pursue self-development. Yet the abundance of information has also created a paradox: while knowledge is more accessible than ever, clarity and reliability are increasingly difficult to obtain. RiseGuide, an EdTech platform serving more than 500,000 users globally, has announced the launch of SEEK — a proprietary Search Engine for Expert Knowledge built to deliver verified, actionable insights without the inaccuracies often associated with open-domain AI systems.

According to an article on Yahoo Finance, SEEK was developed as a response to the growing frustration professionals experience when navigating contradictory advice, SEO-driven content, and algorithmically generated recommendations that prioritize plausibility over precision. Rather than functioning as a generative AI model trained on broad internet data, SEEK operates within a curated and closed knowledge ecosystem composed exclusively of publicly available materials from more than 300 recognized experts.

The Structural Problem of Advice Saturation

Search engines routinely return hundreds of millions of results for common self-improvement queries. A phrase such as “how to improve productivity” yields an overwhelming array of articles, advertisements, blog posts, and generalized opinion pieces. Many of these are optimized for keyword visibility rather than methodological rigor. Consequently, users encounter repetition, superficial recommendations, and conflicting frameworks without clear criteria for evaluation.

Oleksandr Matsiuk, CEO and Founder of RiseGuide, argues that the high dropout rate in personal development initiatives is not primarily a motivation deficit. Instead, it reflects cognitive overload. When individuals are exposed to excessive, unstructured advice, implementation becomes fragmented and unsustainable. SEEK was conceptualized to address this specific friction point.

By restricting its knowledge base to validated expert methodologies, SEEK narrows the decision space. The system references documented frameworks developed by neuroscientists, behavioral scientists, leadership strategists, negotiation specialists, cognitive psychologists, and top-tier performance researchers. This architecture prioritizes methodological credibility over breadth.

Moving Beyond Probabilistic AI Outputs

Traditional large language models generate responses by predicting statistically likely continuations of text based on patterns in vast training datasets. While such systems excel in linguistic fluency, they can produce outputs that are generalized, non-specific, or occasionally inaccurate when addressing specialized self-development questions.

SEEK adopts a fundamentally different design. It does not scrape open web content in real time, nor does it generate speculative responses beyond its knowledge repository. Instead, it functions as a closed-loop system grounded in curated expert sources. If a query falls outside its verified library, the system explicitly acknowledges the limitation rather than producing an inferred answer.

This approach addresses one of the most persistent criticisms of generative AI — hallucination, or the fabrication of unsupported claims. SEEK mitigates this risk by attributing all outputs to specific expert materials and providing users with direct access to source references.

Architecture of the SEEK Response Model

The SEEK interface is structured to balance efficiency with depth. Upon entering a question, users receive a layered response framework that integrates multiple formats:

Video Evidence: The system identifies exact video segments in which experts discuss the topic. Timestamped references from TED Talks, lectures, interviews, podcasts, and educational content are surfaced for direct review.
Executive Summary: A concise synthesis distills the core insights, allowing for rapid cognitive processing.
Deep Dive: Expanded explanations are accompanied by source links, enabling verification and contextual exploration.
Action Step: Each response concludes with a clearly defined, immediately applicable task. This emphasis on implementation reflects behavioral research indicating that specificity increases follow-through.
Related Questions: Intelligent follow-up prompts encourage deeper inquiry and refinement of understanding.

For instance, a user confronting public speaking anxiety who searches for confidence-building strategies will not receive generic affirmations. Instead, SEEK may provide precise vocal modulation techniques, breathing protocols referenced by communication specialists, timestamped expert discussions, and a structured pre-presentation rehearsal exercise.

This layered architecture aligns with evidence-based learning principles: cognitive chunking, multimodal reinforcement, and task-oriented application.

Foundational Design Principles

SEEK is built upon three primary operational principles:

1. Verified Sources Only
The knowledge database synthesizes publicly available work from over 300 experts across multiple domains, including behavioral economics, neuroscience, leadership development, cognitive science, memory research, and habit formation. Each source is manually vetted by RiseGuide’s internal team to ensure methodological legitimacy.

2. Elimination of Hallucinations
Because the system operates within a bounded corpus, it avoids fabricating unsupported claims. All responses are traceable to identifiable expert material. When gaps exist, the system acknowledges them.

3. Context-Driven Application
Information is framed not merely as theoretical insight but as operational guidance. The emphasis on action steps and contextual framing differentiates SEEK from static content repositories.

Integration Within the RiseGuide Ecosystem

SEEK is not positioned as a standalone tool but as an extension of RiseGuide’s broader structured learning ecosystem. The platform offers thematic tracks such as Charisma Mastery — focused on executive presence and communication refinement — and Intelligence Training, targeting memory enhancement, focus optimization, and cognitive resilience.

These programs combine interactive lessons, micro-learning assessments, and guided exercises. SEEK complements this structure by enabling on-demand expert consultation within the same environment. Users can explore specific challenges while remaining anchored to structured curricula.

Since its founding in 2024, RiseGuide reports fivefold year-over-year growth. The platform’s user base has surpassed 500,000 individuals seeking systematic personal and professional development rather than passive digital consumption.

Market Positioning and Strategic Implications

The launch of SEEK reflects broader shifts in digital education and AI-assisted learning. As generative AI becomes ubiquitous, differentiation increasingly depends on reliability, attribution transparency, and domain specificity.

By positioning itself as a curated expert knowledge engine rather than a generative AI chatbot, RiseGuide occupies a niche at the intersection of EdTech and knowledge verification. The platform implicitly challenges the assumption that more data equates to better insight. Instead, it suggests that constrained, validated datasets may yield more practical outcomes.

From a strategic standpoint, SEEK addresses three market demands:

Reduced cognitive overload in professional development.
Increased accountability and traceability in AI-assisted knowledge delivery.
Greater emphasis on implementation rather than information accumulation.

Availability and Access

SEEK is currently available to all paid RiseGuide subscribers through the platform’s iOS and Android applications. The feature was introduced following beta testing and is fully integrated into the mobile experience.

Conclusion

The contemporary knowledge environment is characterized by abundance but fragmented reliability. Professionals navigating career growth, communication challenges, or cognitive performance enhancement require structured, verifiable guidance rather than algorithmically averaged advice.

SEEK represents an attempt to reframe digital search within the self-development domain. By restricting its inputs to curated expert frameworks and embedding actionable steps within each response, RiseGuide seeks to bridge the gap between information and execution.

As AI systems continue to evolve, platforms that prioritize verification, transparency, and applied methodology may define the next phase of digital learning infrastructure.

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Introduction

Core idea explained

What it means in simple words

Why people search for this topic

Evidence-based medicine perspective

Scientific principles involved

Typical patterns people notice in real life

Practical guidance

Daily routine tips

Food and lifestyle suggestions

What to avoid

Safety and when to seek medical help

Conclusion

FAQs

Can sunscreen damage my skin if I wear it overnight once?

Does indoor light at night require sunscreen?

Is blue light from phones a reason to use SPF at bedtime?

What should I apply on my face before sleeping instead?

Can skipping sunscreen at night make pigmentation worse?

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Citation

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The Structural Problem of Advice Saturation

Moving Beyond Probabilistic AI Outputs

Architecture of the SEEK Response Model

Foundational Design Principles

Integration Within the RiseGuide Ecosystem

Market Positioning and Strategic Implications

Availability and Access

Conclusion

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