Socio-Cultural Life and Livelihood Practices of the Muthuvan Tribe: An Ethnographic Study in the Kurangani Hills, Tamil Nadu

Citation

Tamilselvi, M. (2026). Socio-Cultural Life and Livelihood Practices of the Muthuvan Tribe: An Ethnographic Study in the Kurangani Hills, Tamil Nadu. International Journal of Research, 13(3), 651–662. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijr/37

Dr. M. Tamilselvi,

Assistant Professor of History,

Jayaraj Annapackiam College for Women,

Periyakulam

Theni, Tamilnadu

tamilselvihistory@annejac.ac.in

Abstract

India is home to a rich diversity of indigenous communities, many of whom have preserved distinct cultural traditions and ecological knowledge systems for centuries. Among these communities, the Muthuvan tribe inhabiting the hill ranges of the Western Ghats represents a unique example of indigenous adaptation to mountainous environments. The present study examines the socio-cultural life, livelihood practices, and gender roles within the Muthuvan tribal community residing in the Kurangani Hills of Tamil Nadu. The research draws upon field observations, oral narratives, and secondary literature related to tribal societies in South India. The findings indicate that the Muthuvan community maintains a close ecological relationship with forest resources and hill agriculture. Their social organization reflects strong kinship bonds, collective decision-making, and traditional leadership structures. Women play a crucial role in economic production, household management, and cultural transmission within the community. However, recent influences of modernization, market forces, and state-led development policies have gradually transformed aspects of their traditional lifestyle. This study highlights the importance of preserving indigenous knowledge while ensuring inclusive development through policy frameworks such as the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act and international commitments related to indigenous rights and sustainable development.

Keywords: Tribal Communities, Muthuvan Tribe, Indigenous Culture, Kurangani Hills, Gender Roles, Sustainable Development

Introduction

India is home to a wide range of indigenous communities whose cultural traditions and livelihood systems have evolved in close interaction with their natural environment. According to the Census of India (2011), the Scheduled Tribe population in India constitutes 8.6 percent of the total population, amounting to more than 104 million people distributed across different ecological regions of the country. Many of these tribal communities inhabit forested and mountainous areas where traditional subsistence practices such as shifting cultivation, forest resource collection, and small-scale agriculture continue to shape their socio-economic life. The Western Ghats region of South India represents one of the most important ecological zones where several tribal communities continue to maintain traditional livelihood systems closely associated with forest ecosystems. These communities possess distinctive cultural traditions, settlement patterns, and indigenous knowledge that have been transmitted across generations. Among them, the Muthuvan Tribe inhabiting the hill regions of Tamil Nadu and Kerala occupies a unique position due to its strong cultural identity and ecological adaptation to mountainous environments. Early ethnographic studies conducted by scholars such as Edgar Thurston and Christoph von Furer-Haimendorf provided detailed descriptions of the social organization, customs, and cultural traditions of tribal communities in South India. Their works highlighted the diversity of tribal societies and emphasized the importance of understanding indigenous institutions within their ecological and historical contexts. Subsequent contributions by Indian scholars further explored issues such as tribal economy, social change, and the relationship between tribal communities and mainstream society. Within this broader framework, the present study focuses on the socio-cultural life and livelihood practices of the Muthuvan tribal community residing in the Kurangani Hills of Tamil Nadu. By examining their settlement patterns, economic activities, gender roles, and cultural traditions, the study seeks to understand how indigenous communities maintain their traditional identity while simultaneously responding to the pressures of modernization and development.

Review of Literature

The academic study of tribal communities in India has developed through significant contributions from anthropologists, sociologists, and historians who have attempted to document the diverse cultural traditions and social institutions of indigenous groups. Early ethnographic studies provided detailed descriptions of tribal customs, rituals, kinship patterns, and social organization. One of the pioneering works in this field is that of Edgar Thurston, whose classic ethnographic study Castes and Tribes of Southern India remains an important reference for understanding the cultural characteristics and social organization of many communities in South India. Similarly, Christoph von Furer-Haimendorf conducted extensive anthropological fieldwork among tribal societies and emphasized the relatively higher social status and social participation enjoyed by women in several tribal communities. Indian scholars have also made important contributions to the understanding of tribal cultures and social change. L. P. Vidyarthi highlighted the ecological relationship between tribal societies and their natural environment and developed the concept of the “sacred complex” in tribal studies. Likewise, S. C. Dube examined the processes of modernization, cultural change, and the interaction between tribal communities and mainstream society.

In recent years, several empirical studies have focused specifically on the Muthuvan tribal community of the Western Ghats. For instance, studies have analyzed the relationship between traditional socio-cultural practices and health-related behavior among the Muthuvan community, as well as indigenous knowledge systems and community responses during the COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, local researchers in the Theni district have provided vital contemporary insights. Scholars such as Ramya, Sivaselvi, Kausalya, and Maheswaran have collaborated to publish significant data on the tribal people of the region in their work titled Traditional Walk of the Tribes. Their documentation reveals that while there are many tribal sects in Tamil Nadu, they are heavily concentrated in areas like Andipatti, Periyakulam, Bodinayakanur, and Kadamaikundu. However, a review of the existing literature reveals that a considerable portion of the research on the Muthuvan community has largely concentrated on settlements located in Kerala, especially in the Munnar region. While these studies provide valuable ethnographic insights, comparatively limited scholarly attention has been given to the Muthuvan settlements in the Kurangani hill region of Tamil Nadu. Therefore, the present study seeks to address this research gap by examining the socio-cultural life and livelihood practices of the Muthuvan tribal community in the Kurangani Hills, thereby contributing new field-based insights to the existing body of tribal studies.

Methodology

The present study was conducted in the Kurangani hill region located near Bodinayakanur in Theni District of Tamil Nadu. Kurangani forms part of the southern ranges of the Western Ghats, a biodiversity-rich mountain system known for its ecological diversity and indigenous tribal settlements. The region is characterized by steep hill slopes, dense forest cover, and plantation-based agriculture. Several tribal communities inhabit the Western Ghats, among which the Muthuvan tribe constitutes an important indigenous group residing in the hill settlements of the Kurangani region. These settlements are generally located in relatively remote areas and maintain close interaction with forest resources and hill agriculture for their livelihood. The geographical isolation of the region has enabled the community to preserve many of its traditional socio-cultural practices and indigenous knowledge systems. The present study adopts a qualitative research design in order to explore the socio-cultural life and livelihood practices of the Muthuvan tribal community. A purposive sampling method was adopted, which allowed the researcher to select respondents who possess relevant knowledge about the community’s cultural traditions, occupational practices, and social organization. Through purposive sampling, individuals such as community elders, women, and working members of the settlement were selected for interaction and discussion. The field investigation covered selected Muthuvan tribal settlements located in the Kurangani hills. A total of 20 households were included in the study for detailed observation and interaction. Informal discussions and interviews were conducted with approximately 35 to 60 respondents, including elders, adult men, and women belonging to the community. The fieldwork for the present study was conducted between June 2024 and January 2025. Primary data were collected through direct field observation and informal interviews, while secondary data were collected from books, research articles, government reports, and institutional publications related to tribal studies. The collected data were analyzed using descriptive and interpretative methods to present a comprehensive account of the socio-cultural life of the Muthuvan tribe in the Kurangani hill region.

4. Origin and Migration

The Muthuvan tribe inhabiting the hill regions of the Western Ghats possesses a distinct cultural identity and a strong sense of historical memory preserved through oral traditions. According to community narratives and ethnographic interpretations, the ancestral homeland of the Muthuvans is believed to be the ancient Pandya region, particularly around Madurai in present-day Tamil Nadu. Oral traditions collected during field interactions indicate that their ancestors migrated from the plains to the forested hill tracts of the Western Ghats during a period of political conflict and social disturbance in the Pandya country. The etymology of the term “Muthuvan” has been interpreted in different ways. One explanation derives the word from the Tamil term “muthu,” meaning ancient or old, suggesting that the community represents an ancient lineage. Another explanation is associated with the traditional practice of carrying children and belongings on their backs during migration, which symbolically reflects the community’s historical movement from the plains to the mountainous forests. Some scholars also suggest that the earlier form of the name may have been “Muthukkar,” meaning “those who carry on their backs,” which gradually evolved into the present form “Muthuvan” in spoken usage. Following their migration, the community gradually established settlements in the forested regions of the Western Ghats, particularly in areas that now fall within the boundaries of Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Despite geographical dispersion, the Muthuvan community has continued to preserve its traditional practices, language, and cultural identity through collective memory and oral traditions.

5. Lifestyle and Settlement Pattern

The lifestyle and settlement pattern of the Muthuvan tribe reflects their close relationship with nature and their historical experience of migration and isolation. The Muthuvans mainly inhabit the hill regions of the Western Ghats, particularly the coffee hills and cardamom hills, where they establish settlements in remote mountainous areas away from mainstream society. Their settlements are usually located several kilometers away from major roads or bus routes, making them difficult for outsiders to access. This pattern of settlement is believed to have developed as a protective strategy after the community migrated to the hills. The Muthuvans live in small huts known as kudi, which are constructed using natural materials such as grass and fibre. These huts are simple structures designed for small families, usually without separate rooms, and traditionally they do not have doors, reflecting the strong sense of trust and unity within the community. The huts are not arranged in a regular pattern but are scattered across hills and valleys according to the natural terrain and the preference of the inhabitants.

Traditionally, the Muthuvans depended on forest resources such as honey, roots, and tubers for their livelihood. Over time, due to food scarcity and environmental changes, they began cultivating crops in nearby lands and practicing small-scale agriculture. At present, their livelihood includes collecting forest produce, cultivating small plots of land, and working as labourers in plantations owned by outsiders. Some lands that once belonged to the Muthuvans were gradually transferred to estate owners through monetary transactions, largely due to the community’s limited exposure to external economic systems. The social life of the Muthuvan community is traditionally based on cooperation, equality, and collective responsibility, with little distinction between rich and poor. A community leader chosen by the people manages common affairs and resolves disputes within the settlement. The food habits of the Muthuvans have also evolved over time; earlier they consumed roasted tubers and hunted animals, while later they cultivated crops such as millets and pulses. Today their diet includes grains like ragi, millet, and rice obtained through the public distribution system, along with vegetables and meat such as goat, chicken, and hunted animals. Their clothing style has also changed over time. Earlier they used leaves and simple cloth, whereas today men wear traditional garments such as dhotis and shirts, while women wear sarees in a distinctive style that allows them to carry children on their backs.

6. Occupation and Economy

Occupation plays a vital role in shaping the economic livelihood and social life of the Muthuvan tribe. Traditionally, the occupational practices of the Muthuvans are closely connected with the natural environment of the Western Ghats, where they have lived for generations. Their occupations are diverse and mainly include handicraft production, small-scale agriculture, plantation labour, collection of forest products such as tubers and honey, and limited trade. Living in close harmony with nature, the Muthuvans utilize forest resources to produce many items required for their daily life. They weave baskets, winnowing trays (muram), mats, and fishing nets using bamboo and mountain fibres such as eetha fibre. These handicrafts are usually produced for household use rather than for commercial sale and therefore emphasize practicality and durability rather than decoration. They also manufacture musical instruments used during rituals and festivals, such as the Urumi Kattai, made by hollowing wood and covering it with animal skin. In addition, the Muthuvans build their own huts using forest materials, demonstrating their traditional knowledge of indigenous construction techniques.

Agriculture is another important livelihood activity. The community cultivates crops such as tomato, brinjal, beans, garlic, ginger, and other vegetables, and in some areas they grow paddy using water from nearby streams for irrigation. They also cultivate grains such as millets, varagu, samai, and cholam, while a few families maintain small cardamom and coffee plantations. Forest resources continue to play a crucial role in their subsistence economy. Tubers collected from the forest serve as an important food source for several months of the year, while women regularly collect firewood for domestic use. Due to historical developments such as forest reservation policies and the expansion of plantation agriculture, many Muthuvans have also become wage labourers in nearby coffee and cardamom estates, where they work in activities such as harvesting, weeding, and pruning. Honey collection remains one of their traditional skills, involving the use of smoke and ropes made from forest creepers to gather honey from cliffs and trees. While most handicrafts are not produced for sale, honey and certain agricultural products such as garlic, ginger, coffee, and cardamom may be sold in nearby markets. Hunting, which was once an important activity among Muthuvan men for protection and food, has significantly declined due to wildlife protection laws, though small animals may still occasionally be trapped for consumption.

7. Rituals, Religious Beliefs, and Festivals

The ritual and religious life of the Muthuvan tribe reflects their simple social organization, strong communal values, and deep connection with nature. Life-cycle ceremonies such as childbirth, puberty, marriage, and death are performed in modest ways within the settlement. Childbirth usually takes place in a separate hut with the assistance of women from the community, and the mother and child remain in seclusion for about thirty days before a small ritual meal is organised by the maternal uncle. Children are named after deities and ear piercing is performed in early childhood. When a girl attains puberty, she is kept in temporary seclusion for a few days before being ceremonially brought back to the settlement. Marriage among the Muthuvans is generally based on mutual consent rather than arranged by parents, and symbolic gifts such as bangles or sarees represent marital union. Widow remarriage is permitted, and the community largely follows a monogamous system. In earlier times, unmarried youth stayed in separate dormitories that helped maintain social discipline and communal interaction. Funeral practices are also simple; the deceased are buried, and ritual meals are conducted on the second and thirtieth days after death.

Religious beliefs occupy an important place in Muthuvan society. The community worships both major Hindu deities and local guardian spirits, with Murugan regarded as the principal deity. Other deities such as Veera Sankara Rayaru, Mupporulu, Tharan Thambiran, Meenakshi Amman, Bhadrakali, and Mariamman are also venerated. Worship is usually conducted in small temples or temporary shrines within the settlement where pictures of deities are placed instead of idols. Festivals form an important part of their cultural life, and among them Thai Pongal is the most significant celebration, involving collective cooking, ritual offerings, music, dance, and communal feasting. Other festivals such as Karthigai Deepam and Chithirai New Year are observed in simpler forms. Ancestor worship and nature worship, particularly prayers for rain and offerings to the Sun, remain integral to their belief system. In recent times, contact with neighbouring towns and participation in external festivals have introduced certain changes, yet the Muthuvan community continues to preserve its traditional rituals, religious beliefs, and collective cultural identity.

8. Oral Traditions and Folk Elements

The oral traditions of the Muthuvan tribe constitute an important part of their cultural heritage and are transmitted from generation to generation through songs, stories, beliefs, and traditional knowledge. Folk expressions among the community include lullabies, ritual songs, love songs, friendship songs, and songs associated with elopement and courtship. These songs reflect various aspects of social life, including affection between lovers, family relationships, and emotional experiences similar to themes found in classical Tamil literature. Lullabies are sung by mothers to soothe children, while ritual songs are performed during ceremonies such as puberty rites. Love songs are sung by men and women to express mutual affection, and some songs also describe the longing and emotional bonds between lovers. In addition to songs, storytelling forms another element of their oral tradition, with simple narratives often told to entertain children. Traditional knowledge of medicine is also preserved through oral transmission, and the community commonly treats illnesses using herbal remedies, roots, and leaves collected from the forest. Various beliefs and magical practices remain part of their worldview, including rituals to ward off evil spirits, protect against wild animals, and interpret omens. The Muthuvans also traditionally calculated time based on lunar phases and agricultural cycles. Although modern influences such as hospitals, calendars, and external cultural contacts have introduced certain changes, many of these oral traditions and folk practices continue to be preserved, reflecting the community’s close relationship with nature and its enduring cultural identity.

9. Contemporary Challenges and Discussion

Although the Muthuvan community has preserved many aspects of its traditional socio-cultural system, it currently faces several challenges associated with socio-economic change and environmental pressures. One of the major challenges is the gradual transformation of traditional livelihood systems due to restrictions on forest access, environmental regulations, and the expansion of tourism and development activities in the Western Ghats region. Educational opportunities and interaction with mainstream society have created new aspirations among younger generations. While these developments provide opportunities for socio-economic mobility, they also contribute to cultural transformation and, in some cases, the weakening of traditional institutions. The shift from traditional occupations to wage labour and other forms of employment has also altered patterns of community organization and economic cooperation.

During the field investigation, it was observed that the community faces specific logistical and safety hurdles. The lack of indoor sanitation facilities creates a high risk of wildlife conflict during the night, necessitating the implementation of bio-toilets for community safety. Furthermore, children who attend residential schools often face difficulties returning home during holidays; arranging transport like Forest Department Jeeps and maintaining accessible paths are crucial for educational retention. The aspiration of the youth is exemplified by individuals such as Sridevi, who is pursuing higher education and represents the potential for the tribe to participate in administrative governance, such as the IAS. Language preservation represents another significant challenge. As younger members increasingly engage with formal education and urban environments, the transmission of indigenous language and oral traditions within the household becomes more limited. Consequently, community-based initiatives aimed at documenting and promoting traditional knowledge have become increasingly important.

10. Conclusion

The findings of the present study reveal that the socio-cultural life of the Muthuvan community in the Kurangani hills reflects a close relationship between environment, tradition, and community organization. Historical narratives regarding the origin and migration of the Muthuvans indicate that their settlement in the hill regions was closely associated with the search for security, autonomy, and access to forest resources. Over time, the community developed a distinctive cultural system characterized by collective living patterns, strong kinship relations, and a deep dependence on forest-based livelihoods. Traditional institutions such as kinship networks, ritual practices, and oral traditions continue to play a vital role in maintaining social cohesion and cultural identity within the community. At the same time, the study reveals that contemporary socio-economic changes, educational mobility, and increased interaction with mainstream society have introduced new challenges for the preservation of indigenous culture. Policy frameworks and development programmes should adopt a culturally sensitive approach that respects the knowledge systems, traditions, and rights of indigenous communities. Sustainable development strategies must therefore integrate traditional ecological knowledge with modern development initiatives in order to ensure both socio-economic progress and cultural preservation for tribal communities in the Western Ghats.

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Citation

Egwu, F. O., Arua, M. C., Okeh, P. I., Onwe, D. C., & Onuoha, O. O. (2026). Interrogating the Nigeria Police Force and Its Counter-terrorism Approaches. International Journal of Research, 13(3), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.26643/ijr/1

¹Egwu, Francis Ogbonnia

Department of Criminology and Security Studies,

Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria

Email: francis.egwu@funai.edu.ng

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0009-8519-8303

^2**Arua, Mercy Chioma***

Department of Criminology and Security Studies,

Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria

Email: mercy.arua@funai.edu.ng

Corresponding author****

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0005-6625-477X

³Okeh, Peter Igboke

Department of Criminology and Security Studies,

Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria

Email: ptrgbk@gmail.com

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0007-5991-8560

⁴Daniel Chidiebere Onwe

Department of Criminology and Security Studies,

Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ebonyi State, Nigeria

Email: onwedaniel1990@gmail.com

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0003-4168-148X

⁵Onuoha, Ogobuchi Onuoha

Department of Sociology,

Ebonyi State University, Abakaliki, Nigeria

Email: onuohaogobuchi@gmail.com

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0008-1011-2168

Abstract

The paper used a theoretical method to look at how the Nigeria Police are involved in counter-terrorism efforts in Nigeria. It aimed to find out how the police participate, how effective their involvement is, and what can be done to improve their performance in these operations. The structural functionalism theory was adopted to theoretically underpin the study. The outcome of the study reveals that the police force plays a variety of roles which manifest in different forms in the fight against terrorism. These forms are not limited to intelligence gathering, synergy with other sister agencies, liaison with community leaders to fish out terrorist enclaves and so on. The study also revealed that the police’s regular use of overt force diminishes the effectiveness of their operations, as there is a need to fight the root cause of terrorism. The study recommends that the police should be specially trained on conflict resolution strategy while adopting the principle of community policing. To enhance counter-terrorism operational efficiency, the police should be given adequate and sophisticated equipment and, as well, undergo training and retraining to face the terrorist group.

Keywords: Police, Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, Police Operation, Nigeria

Introduction

The Nigeria Police was established based on the provision of Section 214(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and several laws have given it responsibilities and authority (Nwauzi & Ogon, 2018). The force is tasked with the duties of investigating crimes, protecting people and property, and enforcing all laws and regulations. They may also be responsible for traffic control and prosecution in any court in the country. (Alemika & Chukwuma, 2000, as cited in Edet, 2017). The extant and primary law in Nigeria that highlights the specific responsibilities and capabilities of the Nigerian Police is the Police Act (Nwauzi & Ogon, 2018). The Nigeria Police also performs a variety of secondary responsibilities, including providing aid in times of need and managing and regulating highway traffic, among others (Madubuike-Ekwe & Obayemi, 2019). However, given the vast nature of police officers’ responsibilities and authority, the preceding list of police officer tasks and powers is not all-inclusive (Nwauzi & Ogon, 2018). The composition, establishment and operational control of the Police Force are clearly stated in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Section 214(1), that “There shall be a Police Force for Nigeria, which shall be known as the Nigeria Police Force, and subject to the provisions of this Section no other police force shall be established for the Federation or any part thereof” (CFRN, 1999). These provisions are reinforced in the Police Act and Regulations of 1990, Chapter 359, which classified the duties of the police to include prevention and detection of crime, apprehension of offenders, preservation of law and order, protection of life and property, enforcement of all laws and regulations with which they are directly charged and the performance of such military duties within or without Nigeria as may be required of them by or under the authority of the Act or any other act.

Nigeria is currently grappling with a myriad of security challenges. The country has been plagued by a plethora of threats, including Boko Haram, herdsmen/farmers conflicts, kidnapping and banditry, ritual killings and cannibalism, cattle rustling, drug and human trafficking, militancy, illicit proliferation of small arms, and violent extremism. These security challenges have had far-reaching consequences, undermining the country’s stability, economic growth, and social cohesion (Ezinwa, 2019). For long, the country has, particularly, been battling with the insecurity issue posed by the activities of terrorist groups. Topping the list of these groups is the Boko Haram Sect (BHS) in the northeast of Nigeria. Terrorism is a global phenomenon in the atmosphere of criminality (Aiyesimoju, 2015) and has become a major threat to world peace and order (Abodunrin et al., 2021). The militant actions of Boko Haram have become one of the biggest security risks in Africa, particularly around the region surrounding Lake Chad (Oyewole, 2015). In Nigeria, the devious and nasty actions of this terrorist organisation cannot be disregarded because of the attacks the organisation has carried out, which have resulted in loss of life, destruction of property worth billions of Naira, serious infrastructure damage, and loss of investment, capital, and income, among other things (Abodunrin et al., 2021). Since 2009, the Boko Haram Sect (BHS) and other terrorist organisations’ operations have impeded sustainable development and made the nation hazardous for people to live in, conduct business in, and invest in (Isiaka et al., 2023). We also have the Fulani herders in the northeast, the Delta militants in the south-south, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and Eastern Security Network (ESN) in the southeast, the Amotekun agitators in the southwest and the newly emerged terror group, the Lukarawas, in northwestern Nigeria.

The International Terrorism and Security Research (ITSR) alludes to the fact that terrorism is not new and that even though the word has been used since the beginning of recorded history, it can be relatively hard to define. Terrorism, according to the ITSR, has been described variously as both a tactic and strategy, a crime and a holy duty, and a justified reaction to oppression and an inexcusable abomination. The United States Department of Defence (USDD) defines terrorism as “the calculated use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political, religious, or ideological.” Within this definition, there are three key elements: violence, fear, and intimidation. Each element produces terror in its victims. The FBI defines terrorism as “the unlawful use of force and violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives.” The U.S. Department of State (USDS) defines terrorism as “premeditated politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence an audience.” Boko Haram and splinter groups such as JAMBS (presently known as ISWAP) are believed by analysts to be largely a product of widespread socioeconomic and religious insecurities, and their ideology resonates among certain communities because of both historical narratives and modern grievances (Audu & Zakimayu, 2021). It has become increasingly clear that national security agencies can no longer work alone in preventing future attacks. They must work in partnership with other public and private agencies, most importantly with local police.

‘Counter-terrorism’ means the measures undertaken by a government to defeat terrorism. It integrates and synchronises political, security, legal, economic, developmental and psychological activities to create a holistic approach that aims at weakening the terrorists while bolstering the government’s legitimacy in the eyes of the people. Several scholars clarified the meaning of counter-terrorism. For instance, Grey (2012) defined counter-terrorism as a set, or combinations, of diverse and multifaceted activities used in combating any terrorist violence in a given society. Campbell and Weitz (2005) also consider counter-terrorism to refer to all actions, activities, principles and tactics used by regular security groups in waging war against any terrorist group in a given political setting. To clarify it further, the United States Army (2006) defined counter-terrorism as military, paramilitary, political, economic, psychological and civic actions taken by government to defeat terrorism. However, the focus of most counter-terrorism measures in this study is centred on the Nigeria Police Force. Police counter-terrorism refers to all forms of conventional combat adopted by the police force and other paramilitary and military forces in combating terrorism in a given political entity. It is a kinetic component of the counter-terrorism response to guerrilla warfare. According to Sampson (2015), the main principle of the counter-terrorism strategy is the application of aggressive force involving violent destruction of the enemy force and threatening of the local population to withdraw support for the terrorists. Therefore, counter-terrorism relies on operations that involve the use of aggression, such as detention of suspects, brutal elimination of individual terrorists, disruption of terrorists’ support networks, and decapitation of terrorist organisations. To contend with these terrorist activities in Nigeria, the federal government of Nigeria, irrespective of statutory restrictions, still deploys Nigeria police personnel to quell unwholesome loss of life and property from these theatres of terrorism in Nigeria.

Problem Statement

Nigeria is grappling with the pressing issue of terrorism, which has become a leading concern for national security. This menace has sparked intense discussions and varied comments in current national discourse (Aiyesimoju, 2015). Despite the Nigerian government’s best efforts, terrorist group activities have continued to grow throughout the northern area, with Boko Haram leading at the forefront, and they pose a severe threat to Nigeria and the region around Lake Chad (Sadau, 2015). Different approaches have been used by the Nigerian government to subdue and curtail the activities and operations of the numerous terrorist groups present in the country. Since terrorism continues to be a threat to Nigeria’s stability and peace, these measures, however, have not produced fruitful and beneficial results. The administration has largely focused on using the military strategy rather than alternative non-military ones to calm terrorism operations. Hence, there is the need to examine other non-military approaches, especially the criminal justice system, in the fight against terrorism. The urgent need to combat terrorism and the roles of critical stakeholders in the fight against terrorism have been investigated in literature. For instance, Aiyesimoju (2015) examined the role of the media in containing terrorism by outlining how the activities of the media can be used to aid as well as thwart the activities of terrorism groups in the country. Ike (2018) examined the need to re-conceptualise the role of law in countering terrorism in Nigeria and explained the rationale behind strengthening Nigeria’s criminal justice system. However, the emphasis in these studies is on the efficacy of the police operational duties in terms of countering terrorism. Against this background, this study aims to explore the forms of Nigeria Police participation in counter-terrorism operations, the effectiveness of Nigeria Police involvement in counter-terrorism operations and measures that could enhance police performance in counter-terrorism operations in the country.

Theoretical Framework

Structural functionalism is a sociological theory that explains why society functions the way it does by emphasising the relationships between the various social institutions that make it up. The basic underpinnings of structural functionalism were built by French sociologist Émile Durkheim in the late nineteenth century, at least in part as a response to evolutionary theories of thinkers such as E. B. Tylor (Porth et al., 2015). Durkheim’s original goal was to explain social structures as a shared means for individuals in society to meet their own biological needs; he also wanted to explain the worth of cultural and social features in terms of their contribution to the general operation of society and life. Later, structural functionalism’s focus shifted to the manner in which social structures in society meet the social requirements of individuals inside that society. This theory was adopted as a theoretical framework for the study because of its strengths and strategic importance. The theory placed emphasis on the interdependency and interconnectedness of security formations, including the police force, and the necessity and urgency for them to form a synergy with the local civilian security formation in the host community for harmonious living. It was reported by Stearns (2013) that structural functionalism views society as functioning as an organism with the various social institutions working together as organs in the human body to maintain stability and integration. Radcliffe Brown espoused the interaction or interdependence of human activities in the social institutions that give rise to the cohesion, stability and peaceful coexistence of human society (Mediha, 2013; Palmer, 2013). Seeing the imperativeness of structural functionalism in understanding and explaining the police force as a subset of security organisations that contributes meaningfully to the existence and survival of the whole social system, the theory was found much more relevant to and apt in examining police involvement in community security, with emphasis on counter-terrorism.

Forms of Police Participation in Counter-terrorism Operations

One cannot overemphasise the duties and responsibilities of the police in any given society. The police are recognised members of the society charged with the responsibility of security of lives and property, maintaining law and order and prevention of all crimes, including terrorism. The roles the Nigeria police play are not just confined to the statutory description of their duties and responsibilities. Alongside other primary duties such as crime prevention and investigation, maintenance of law and order, and enforcement of all laws and regulations, the police also have a role to play in countering terrorism in Nigeria. This was confirmed from the above submission but is also partly stated in section 4 of the Police Act under “such military duties within or outside Nigeria as may be required by them by this or any other Act” (The Police Act, Cap [P19]). Nwauzi and Ogon (2018) also stated that the listed duties and powers of police officers are not exhaustive, as the duties and powers of police officers are expansive. The Nigeria Police discharge other specific secondary duties like highway traffic control and management, provision of assistance during disasters and the conduct of prosecution before any court in the country (Madubuike-Ekwe & Obayemi, 2019).

Detailed explanation of some forms of police participation in curbing the menace of terrorism in Nigeria. The forms in which the police manifest in its duty of counter-terrorism include but are not limited to the following: Involvement in intelligence gathering and sharing with other security agencies to buffer counter-terrorism operations; counselling people as well as relevant stakeholders in the country about the need for peace in the society. This is done in a bid to write off the wrong and poisonous orientation people might have received concerning situations in the country; mopping up arms and ammunitions, drugs and narcotic substances in the society; working in synergy with relevant stakeholders, bodies and national institution agencies such as the NDLEA, EFCC, NAFDAC and others; working with other security agencies such as the Nigerian Military, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) to enhance synergy towards countering terrorism; training and re-training of police personnel on recent crime fighting modes in order to effectively engage the terrorist groups; engaging the religious and community leaders in talks about peace and giving proper orientation to their members so as to proactively repel the desire to engage in terrorism; striving to administer and dispense justice to improve people’s trust and confidence in the justice system so that aggression will not set-in on an aggrieved party thereby leading to terrorism.

Effectiveness of Nigeria Police Involvement in Counter-terrorism Operations

Challenges to the police role in counterterrorism have marred the effectiveness of police involvement in counterterrorism operations. Some challenges facing the police in their fight against terrorism are found as follows: First, there is insufficient training for the officers facing terrorists, and being sent to fight well-trained and equipped terrorists sounds like a suicide mission. Second, there is an allegation of misappropriation of funds allocated for counterterrorism operations. This leaves the police with insufficient funds and resources that, in turn, affects their efficiency and effectiveness in the fight against the terrorist. Third, political interference and corrupt practices among policymakers are also alleged. This kind of interference and corruption can always delay actions against the terrorist, thereby limiting the effectiveness, efficiency and productivity of the police. Fourth, command friction between the police and their military partners in the Joint Task Force. This fourth challenge is to be expected between military and paramilitary agencies whose ranking and protocols are similar but still unique. So the issue of superiors and subordinates in the face of command and order-controlled organisation can always be an issue, especially when there are no laid-down rules of operation and command protocols. Therefore, it becomes necessary to take further study into the rules of engagement of the Joint Task Force in order to find out the cause of this challenge and root it in the bud. The fifth challenge found is the existence of some moles (spies or traitors) in the joint military-police-civilian task force on counter-terrorism, which jeopardises the effectiveness of their operations. These findings support previous research reports (Bamidele, 2016; Nnam et al., 2020), which all agreed that concerted efforts to overcome the odious act of terrorism have been sabotaged and frustrated by some civilians in the host communities, politicians and security personnel, who provide corresponding assistance (such as leaking of security tactics and strategies, intelligence and information) to the terrorists (Nwakanma, 2022).

The effectiveness of the use of force approach adopted by the Nigeria Police counter-terrorism is pointed out, and the heavy-handed approach by Nigeria’s security sector against members of terrorist groups exacerbated sentiments of communal insecurity. In an extensive military operation, the Nigerian state destroyed the compound of the group and killed scores of terrorists. Disproportionate force and extrajudicial killings by the statutory security sector cause some terrorist groups to respond with revenge attacks against the institutions of the state. The lack of capacity and capability in Nigeria’s law enforcement and military, coupled with a failure to appreciate the importance of community engagement in counter-terrorism, set the state on a collision course with the group and its followers. Samson (2015) asserts that, while assessing the dilemma of counter-terrorism and human rights in Northern Nigeria, he argued that the aggressive approach of the SJTF perpetrated through gross violations of human rights undermined the support of the population. This assertion connotes that the excessive use of brutal force by the police force, alongside other security agencies, serves as a restraint to the effectiveness of police involvement in counter-terrorism operations.

Similarly, Kalid (2021), while being interviewed by the BBC, pointed out the ineffectiveness of using a force approach to terrorism, thus: the over-reliance on a military strategy to confront terrorist groups is at the heart of the state’s inability to deal with the threat. That is why, unfortunately, almost 11 or 12 years into the counter-terrorism operation, there seem to be no major successes recorded. The reality is that to address terrorism, you need more than a brutal force operation. You need to address the root causes of the terrorism emergence. Paradoxically, Sampson (2015) also claimed that since its engagement in the counterterrorism, the SJTF, including the police, has become anathema to the local communities in the Northeast. According to him, the indiscriminate use of force and other arbitrary acts have led to an unwarranted loss of life and destruction of valuable property, as well as constituted an extensive humanitarian crisis in the Northeast. He further maintained that, in addition to the direct offensive approach, the operation was reinforced by the adoption of draconian laws like the massive imposition of dusk-to-dawn curfews, restriction of vehicular movement, and bans on the use of communication lines. The overall effects of these measures thus undermined the support of the population for counter-terrorism. This indicates that there can never be a purely forceful solution to violent extremism. There is therefore a need to abandon the conventional force-centric approach as the one and only option for terrorism and other asymmetric conflicts. While not ignoring the importance of using a force approach, stability, political-economic-social development, rule of law, popular well-being, and sustainable peace all depend on effective and legitimate control of the national territory; the force-centric approach must be balanced with a population-centric approach for maximum effectiveness and legitimacy (Jerome, 2015).

Measures to Enhance Police Performance in Counter-terrorism Operations

Given the complexity of the security situation in Nigeria, blended with the economic, political, and social strife, projects and programs designed to counter terrorism should be built around community resilience, enhance cooperation among law enforcement agencies, and strengthen judicial institutions. Hence, strategy and the importance of collective efforts to counter terrorism in an increasingly interdependent and interconnected Nigeria have become imperative. Hence, some measures that could be used to counter terrorism in Nigeria were extensively examined.

Measures to enhance police performance in counter-terrorism target a different aspect of what Piombo (2007) calls the four “Ds” of fighting terrorism: ‘Defeat terrorists and their organisations; Deny sponsorship, support and sanctuary to terrorists; Diminish the underlying conditions that terrorists seek to exploit, and Defend citizens and interests at home and abroad.’ Another way to consider these programmes’ effectiveness is that they should attempt to fight the supply of terrorists, the demand for terrorist networks, and the ability of terrorists to operate and manoeuvre. Counterterrorism measures are captured in the below headings.

1. The Meghalaya Model

The Meghalaya model is a multi-sector approach involving government, law enforcement, judiciary, and civil society organisations that created a comprehensive framework for combating trafficking in Northeast Asia in 1999 under the five “Ps”: prevention, protection, policing, press, and prosecution (Kharbhih, 2010). The Meghalaya Model is designed to track and rescue trafficked children in Northeast Asia; to facilitate rehabilitation; and to make sure that survivors do not get re-trafficked. It also provides families with livelihood alternatives, provides evidence to prosecute offenders, and raises awareness through the media. The process of the Meghalaya Model is the five “Rs”: reporting, rescue, rehabilitation, repatriation and re-education. It is believed that these activities that are pillars of the Meghalaya model to counter human trafficking are relevant to counter-terrorism, as they could fight the supply of terrorists, the supply of mercenaries for terrorism, and the demand for terrorist networks. This is imperative because, despite international agreements and a plethora of national laws on counter-terrorism, the issue remains one of the fastest-growing criminal violence in the world. Its proliferation is due to its cross-border nature and thus requires cooperation and collaboration between states if it is to be tackled effectively. However, throughout the world, often counterterrorism initiatives have failed to incorporate all relevant stakeholders. Hence, the Meghalaya Model, though originally designed to track and rescue trafficked children, could be adopted or adapted to counter terrorism in Nigeria, as there are insinuations of mercenaries and conscripted fighters for terrorists. And with the porous nature of Nigerian borders and the rate of human trafficking in the country, these mercenaries and conscripted fighters could be trafficked victims from neighbouring countries. This model is relevant to counter-terrorism in Nigeria because through a collaborative and far-reaching security network of stakeholders in counter-terrorism (security and intelligence agencies, NAPTIP, the media, civil society and NGOs), terrorists, mercenaries and terror suspects are more likely to be arrested and will face prosecution.

2. Countering Terrorism through Public-Private Partnerships (CTPPP)

While combating terrorism is a primary responsibility of nation states, developing partnerships with the private sector can be beneficial, especially in areas where state resources and expertise are limited. The public-private partnerships (PPPs) concept is gaining attention in the business world but at a much slower pace in the security domain. For instance, Jonathan Lucas, Director of the United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI), argues that progress to build partnerships on security matters has been hampered by a lack of legislation to facilitate information exchange between the public and private sectors, as well as the absence of incentives because ‘too often no incentives are provided to encourage the private sector to invest in the protection of vulnerable targets, as the private sector usually considers funding of PPP initiatives in security sectors as a cost rather than an investment’ (2012, p. 8). However, the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy explicitly encourages such partnerships in capacity-building and information exchange. Hence the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF) working group on countering the use of the Internet for terrorist purposes argues how it benefited from private sector expertise in ‘the technical and legal aspects on how the Internet could be used to counter terrorist narratives’ (2012, p. 8). Russia, for example, has been engaging with Moscow State University and People’s Friendship University of Russia to exchange new ideas and expertise in countering terrorism. Because in their view, ‘private-public cooperation should not be limited to the business community alone but should also include non-governmental organisations, media, tourism and hotels, youth associations, the academic community and religious leaders’ involvement in the security sector’ (Yudintsev, 2012).

3. Empowering Youth as Peace-Entrepreneurs and Peace-Seeds

There is growing evidence from the social science literature on the links between youth unemployment and armed conflict, and donors have increasingly used programmes that create jobs for youth as a tool to address armed violence. Many donors now identify addressing youth unemployment as an urgent priority, both in the field of peace buildinpeacebuildingg and in efforts to foster economic development (World Bank, 2008; ILO, 2010; UN, 2009). Similarly, the link between job creation and peacebuilding has been affirmed by the UN Secretary General’s approval of the ‘UN Policy For Post-Conflict Employment Creation, Income Generation And Reintegration’ in 2008, as well as by the ILO’s 2010 Guidelines on Local Economic Recovery in Post-Conflict (UN, 2009; ILO, 2010). However, studies find that both the theoretical and empirical cases for using youth employment programmes as a ‘standalone’ tool to reduce violent conflict are extremely weak, because donor interventions have been poorly evaluated and evidence of success typically only demonstrates increases in employment levels, with little effort made to assess the impact on conflict. Hence, evidence on using job creation as part of an integrated or comprehensive armed conflict or Anti Violence Response (AVR) strategy is stronger: some government-led initiatives in countries that experience high levels of armed violence (such as Brazil and South Africa) are positive examples. So, the emphasis on the youth Anti Violence Response (AVR) strategy should be based on holistic, comprehensive, and integrated approaches that go beyond simply addressing a lack of economic opportunities and seek to tackle the more complex array of factors (such as belief systems, religious, political, and ethnic fundamentalism) that turn youth into entrepreneurs of violence rather than peace-seeds. This is imperative because Omale (2013) argues that, if youth involvement in terrorism is becoming a real threat, then the primary step is to try to understand the phenomena systems andphenomenonof increase, anphenomenonincrease andd the causes of such criminal deviance. Because in the word increase andwordsof Socrates,words, ‘Fundamentum Omnius Cultus animae’ (i.e.,, the soul of all improvement is the improvement of the soul). For instance, the goal of most national educational curricula in modern times is to produce professionals such as scientists, lawyers, doctors, and engineers for society. How much of our school curriculum includes active citizenship education, youth leadership skills, civil courtesies, and relationship-building communication?building? The earlier we begin to instilinstil the skills of ‘learning to live together’ and respect for humanity and society through active citizenship education, the better for our society.

4. Women-Gender Intelligence (WGI)

The innovation of “Women-Gender Intelligence” (WGI), particularly in the events of volatile conflict and endemic suicide bombings in Nigeria, has become imperative. For instance, with the continued violent conflict in Jos and the emerging suicide bombings in the country, the “Women for Change and Development Initiative” of the Office of the First Lady of Nigeria orchestrated media campaigns and jingles of “Women: See Something; Say Something!” and “The One that gives life must Protect Life!” The impact of these jingles and campaigns, this author would argue, motivated a rural woman in a village called Haya Biu, Niger State, to assist the State Security Service in Nigeria to unravel the hideout of some Boko Haram extremists on 6th September, 2011, who until then had been hiding there and making IEDs. By this revelation, it could be argued that women can be strong agents of change and development if adequately harnessed. In terms of security and counterterrorism in Nigeria, this paper argues that if women voluntarily and unanimously agree to stop insecurity, they can because there is no terrorist or criminal that does not have a mother, a spouse, or a girlfriend. The Women Gender Intelligence (WGI) is even more relevant in the Nigerian context since it is insinuated that some Boko Haram perpetrators are youth who cannot afford to pay a bride price for a wife and are so brainwashed and recruited to kill so as to be rewarded with seven virgins in Aljena. In this case, therefore, if women are granted protection as whistleblowers, they can be a good source of intelligence on counterterrorism in Nigeria.

5. Counter Extremism and De-radicalisation Programmes (CEDP)

Religion and cultural differences are among the most important causes of conflicts and violence in Nigeria. A very worrisome dimension of the role of religion in conflicts is the tendency and frequency with which some politicians and leaders exploit it for selfish reasons, as sometimes public statements on issues of religion tend to ignite or exacerbate conflicts, justifying the need for conflict sensitivity. Our world – as an American sociologist, Peter Berger, notes – is ‘fiercely religious’, and Nigeria has witnessed rising essentialism within all the major religions. For instance, a Muslim cleric was once criticised by the media for publicly preaching to his followers in a mosque in Kano (northern Nigeria) that “Un ka kama Mary ko Chinyere ka chisu” (meaning “if you catch a girl with a name Mary or Chinyere, rape her”). This is hate-based preaching that encourages young Muslim boys to rape girls bearing Christian or South Eastern names in Nigeria. In the same vein, some Neo-Pentecostal and evangelical Christians in Nigeria see themselves (the “born again” brethren) as holier than the ‘Other’. Similarly, crusades that dwell much more on the Biblical verse of Mathew 11:12, which states, “And from the days of John the Baptist until now, the kingdom of heaven suffered violence, and the violent takes it by force,” are becoming common citations among youth in Nigeria. Whereas, this Biblical injunction does not encourage violence, perverse interpretations of these religious injunctions, however, have crept into the minds of some people. This radical mindset has created many of the world’s violent outbreaks, both present and past. Lammy (2013) argues in an article written after the May 22nd killing of a Woolwich soldier by a terrorist suspect (Michael Adebolajo) that ‘radical Islamism suffocates conventional Islamic beliefs with a diet of anger, hate and intolerance among young men, who perhaps are already convinced of being outcasts and are intoxicated by teachings that not only entrench this difference further but also demand that they despise the society they leave behind.’ Hence, it is not uncommon for fringe groups of all ideological persuasions to systematically target these men by manipulating their sense of hopelessness and lack of belonging (Lammy, 2013). However, if religion could be used to cause conflict, it could be used to resolve conflict. Because even in this climate of global religious turbulence, religions offer the potential for generosity, wisdom and an ethical sense of transcendence capable of creating a strong link between people, beyond their differences. People might have different beliefs and dogmas and adhere to different schools of philosophical and metaphysical thought, but I strongly believe that it is possible to share a pragmatic universal system of ethics that would allow us all to live together. So Counter Extremism and De-radicalisation Programmes (CEDP) can work and could be an effective way of countering the spread of radical-violent ideology and activism, provided that the right conditions for success exist. These include, among others, political will, a vibrant civil society, and a robust developmental and political capacity within the Nigerian state.

6. Security Inter-Operability (SIO)

In every human society there are those that could not be safely contained in the community. Security interoperability that encourages security networking and intelligence sharing could root out the bad eggs in the society. For instance, if the police, SSS, EFCC and NIA work collaboratively, they could unravel the local and international sponsors and financiers of Boko Haram. Similarly, if the Customs, Immigration and the NDLEA work collaboratively, they could unravel the criminal importation of foreign mercenaries, drugs, arms and ammunition that are sustaining the Boko Haram insurgencies. In the same vein, the SSS and police working collaboratively with the Prisons Service could plant pseudo inmates who are fluent in Arabic, Hausa, Fulani and Kanuri in strategic prison cells for intelligence gatherings from detained Boko Haram suspects. The Military Joint Task Forces (JMTF) could as well invest in telemetric security and cable detection technology and use fewer roadblocks. Where these security strategies are done well, the use of the Military Joint Task Forces (MJTF) fire operations would only be the last resort. But if terror attacks do occur, a coordinated and well-equipped MJTF that comprises the military forces, NEMA, the fire service and the Red Cross should be on standby for effective evacuation and other needed humanitarian and relief services. However, in a system like Nigeria where security and law enforcement agencies struggle for supremacy and lay claim to arrests and security breakthroughs (as was the case in Kabiru Sokoto’s arrest), interoperability becomes difficult to achieve. Nigeria does not lack the institutions to counter terrorism, but what Nigerian security and law enforcement agencies need to understand is that “success for one is success for all”. ”.

7. Community Policing Approach

In community policing, the community should be the primary objective for the police: its tacit support, its submission to law and order, its consensus, etc. It is therefore necessary to obtain the support of the community not only in the form of sympathy and approval but also in active participation in keeping the society safe. The police must build confidence in the community by conducting themselves professionally and showing the ability to hold volunteered information in the highest secrecy and protect those they have been entrusted to protect at all costs. In community policing, law enforcement agencies share power with residents of a community, and critical decisions need to be made at the neighbourhood level. Establishing and maintaining mutual trust between citizens of a community and the police is the main goal of the first component of community policing. In full partnership, law enforcement agencies and a community’s residents and business owners are supposed to identify core problems, propose solutions, and implement a solution. For this problem-solving process to operate effectively, the police need to devote time and attention to discovering the community’s concerns, and they need to recognise the validity of those concerns. If the police treat suspected terrorists/insurgents using methods and practices outside the law, such as collective punishment or arbitrary detention, this itself undermines the legitimacy of government and can create new grievances, inhibiting the effectiveness of counter-terror or counter-insurgency policies. However, in the real sense and in reality, the counter-terrorism in Nigeria is dominated by security operations (Audu & Zakimayu, 2021).

Conclusion and Recommendations

Young men almost exclusively lead and execute terrorist attacks globally. Nigeria, with its abundant unemployed labour force, exploitative politicians, radical clerics, a population prone to violence, and weakened national and community cohesion, provides a competitive advantage for militant and terrorist organisations, criminal networks, and corrupt political leaders. International experience in countering terrorism has shown that the key to preventing violence against the state and its citizens is policing that establishes government legitimacy and wins public support. In societies where endemic violence poses a threat, we should entrust the responsibility for security to police deployed among the population. Police are the public face of the government. By performing their duties in a professional manner, police build support for the government they represent. Acts committed by terrorists are crimes, which are the responsibility of the police and the criminal justice system. Killing or capturing terrorists when they are engaged in terrorist acts is not an effective solution to insecurity. The solution is to identify would-be terrorists before they commit acts of violence using information provided by citizens to the police. To make this approach work effectively, the police must recognise the importance of collaborating with citizens. The police must also adopt a citizen-oriented approach to policing. Police establish effective relations with the public by being available and easily accessible, by being responsive and acting promptly to requests for assistance from individuals, and by being fair and impartial, treating everyone professionally, respectfully, and empathetically. This approach is based on relationships, attitudes, and values. It requires neither advanced technical skills nor heavy weaponry.

Recommendations

1. The police should be provided with sophisticated equipment, discipline and training (the curricula in police training institutions must reflect present-day challenges, e.g., detailed courses on terrorism/military history, policing, forensics, etc.).

2. It is imperative that police officers undergo regular specialised training and retraining prior to deployment. This will equip them against the well-trained and equipped terrorists.

3. The funding and deployment of police officers for the counterterrorism operations should be depoliticised. The influence of the politicians on the processes of operation of the counterterrorism is affecting the smooth operation of the units if the funds set apart for their operation are misappropriated.

4. There should be a very strict and unbiased screening of the officers deployed into the counterterrorism units. This screening should be done by external bodies outside the government and its agencies. This will help rid the ranks and files of the moles that jeopardise their operations.

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Subaltern Voices and the Politics of Representation in Postcolonial Texts

Daily writing prompt

Where would you go on a shopping spree?

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Citation

Dwivedi, S. (2026). Subaltern Voices and the Politics of Representation in Postcolonial Texts. International Journal of Research, 13(2), 218–224. https://doi.org/10.26643/rb.v118i1.7619

Shambhavi Dwivedi

MA, NET (English)

Dwivedi Clinic

Bhagwan Bazar, Chapra

Abstract

Postcolonial literature has played a crucial role in foregrounding the voices of marginalized communities whose experiences were historically excluded from dominant colonial narratives. One of the most significant concepts within postcolonial studies is the notion of the subaltern, which refers to those social groups that remain outside the structures of power and representation within hegemonic discourse. Colonial regimes not only imposed political and economic domination but also controlled systems of knowledge and cultural representation, thereby silencing indigenous voices and rewriting histories from the perspective of imperial authority. In response to these distortions, postcolonial writers and theorists have sought to recover the experiences of the subaltern and challenge the politics of representation embedded within colonial discourse. This research article examines the emergence of subaltern voices in postcolonial texts and analyzes how literature becomes a space for contesting hegemonic power structures. It explores the theoretical framework of subaltern studies and the politics of representation articulated by major thinkers, while also investigating the narrative strategies employed by postcolonial writers to represent marginalized communities. The study further examines how issues of voice, agency, identity, gender, and cultural memory shape the representation of subaltern experiences in postcolonial narratives. By analyzing selected literary works from postcolonial contexts, the article demonstrates that literature functions not only as a medium of artistic expression but also as a site of political resistance and cultural recovery. Ultimately, the politics of representation in postcolonial texts reveals the complexities involved in giving voice to historically marginalized groups and underscores the importance of literature in challenging structures of domination and reconstructing alternative histories.

Keywords: Subaltern studies, postcolonial literature, politics of representation, marginalization, identity, resistance, cultural memory

Introduction

The emergence of postcolonial literature marked a significant shift in the way history, culture, and identity were represented in literary discourse. For centuries, colonial powers dominated not only the political and economic structures of colonized societies but also their cultural and intellectual narratives. Colonial literature and historiography frequently portrayed colonized peoples as passive subjects, incapable of self-representation and dependent upon the civilizing influence of European authority. These representations served to legitimize imperial power while simultaneously marginalizing indigenous voices and cultural traditions.

In response to this legacy, postcolonial writers began to challenge the dominant narratives of empire by foregrounding the experiences of marginalized communities. One of the central concerns of postcolonial studies is the recovery of subaltern voices—those individuals and groups who have historically been excluded from positions of power and whose perspectives have rarely been recorded in official historical accounts. The concept of the subaltern has become a crucial analytical tool in examining how colonial power structures operated and how marginalized groups resisted and negotiated these structures.

The term “subaltern” originally emerged within Marxist discourse to describe the lower classes who were excluded from political representation. However, within postcolonial studies, the term has acquired broader significance, referring to those populations whose voices are suppressed within dominant systems of knowledge and representation. Subaltern groups often include peasants, tribal communities, laborers, women, and other marginalized populations who remain outside elite political and cultural institutions.

Postcolonial literature has played an important role in bringing subaltern experiences into global visibility. Writers from formerly colonized societies have sought to challenge the hierarchical structures of representation that colonialism established. By narrating the experiences of marginalized communities, these authors question the authority of colonial historiography and create alternative narratives that highlight the struggles and resilience of oppressed groups.

The politics of representation is central to this process. Representation involves more than simply describing social realities; it also involves the power to shape how those realities are understood. In colonial discourse, representation was often controlled by imperial institutions that depicted colonized peoples in stereotypical and dehumanizing ways. Postcolonial writers confront these representations by offering new perspectives that emphasize the agency, dignity, and complexity of marginalized communities.

This research article explores the ways in which postcolonial texts engage with the politics of representation and recover subaltern voices. It examines the theoretical foundations of subaltern studies and analyzes the narrative strategies through which postcolonial writers represent marginalized experiences. Through this exploration, the article demonstrates that literature serves as a powerful tool for challenging dominant narratives and reconstructing cultural identity.

Theoretical Foundations of Subaltern Studies

The emergence of subaltern studies in the late twentieth century significantly transformed the field of postcolonial scholarship. The Subaltern Studies collective, a group of historians and scholars primarily working on South Asian history, sought to challenge traditional historiography that focused primarily on elite political leaders and colonial administrators. These scholars argued that conventional historical narratives failed to account for the experiences and contributions of ordinary people, particularly peasants and marginalized communities.

Subaltern studies emphasized the importance of examining history from the perspective of those who had been excluded from dominant narratives. By focusing on grassroots movements, local resistance, and everyday forms of agency, scholars sought to reconstruct a more inclusive understanding of historical processes. This approach challenged the assumption that historical change was driven solely by elite actors and highlighted the role of marginalized groups in shaping political and social transformations.

One of the most influential contributions to subaltern theory came from scholars who examined the relationship between power and representation. They argued that colonial knowledge systems played a crucial role in shaping how colonized societies were understood. Through institutions such as education, administration, and scholarship, colonial powers produced narratives that reinforced their authority and marginalized indigenous perspectives.

Subaltern studies also raised important questions about the possibility of representing marginalized voices. Some scholars argued that the subaltern cannot easily speak within dominant systems of representation because those systems are structured by power relations that exclude them. This perspective highlights the difficulties involved in recovering subaltern voices and underscores the need for new methodological approaches in both historical and literary analysis.

Postcolonial literature provides one such approach by creating imaginative spaces in which marginalized voices can be articulated. Through storytelling, writers are able to reconstruct the experiences of those who were excluded from official historical records. While literature cannot fully replicate the lived experiences of subaltern communities, it can offer powerful insights into the social and cultural dynamics that shape their lives.

Colonial Discourse and the Politics of Representation

Colonial discourse played a crucial role in shaping the representation of colonized societies. Through literature, anthropology, and administrative reports, colonial authorities constructed images of indigenous populations that emphasized their supposed inferiority and backwardness. These representations served to justify colonial rule by portraying imperial powers as benevolent agents of progress and civilization.

The politics of representation refers to the ways in which power influences how individuals and communities are depicted in cultural narratives. In colonial discourse, representation was closely linked to the maintenance of imperial authority. By controlling the production of knowledge about colonized societies, colonial institutions were able to shape global perceptions of these communities.

These representations often relied on stereotypes that reduced complex cultures to simplistic and negative images. Colonized peoples were frequently depicted as irrational, primitive, or incapable of self-governance. Such portrayals reinforced the ideological foundations of colonialism and contributed to the marginalization of indigenous voices.

Postcolonial writers challenge these representations by exposing their ideological assumptions and presenting alternative perspectives. Through literature, they reveal the contradictions and injustices embedded within colonial discourse. By highlighting the humanity and agency of marginalized communities, postcolonial narratives challenge the stereotypes that colonialism perpetuated.

The politics of representation also involves questions about who has the authority to speak for others. In many cases, the representation of marginalized communities has been controlled by elite institutions or individuals who do not share the experiences of those they depict. Postcolonial literature addresses this issue by emphasizing the importance of self-representation and by creating narrative spaces in which marginalized voices can be heard.

Subaltern Voices in Postcolonial Literature

One of the most significant contributions of postcolonial literature is its focus on the experiences of marginalized communities. Writers from diverse cultural backgrounds have used literature to explore the lives of those who were historically excluded from positions of power and representation. These narratives often highlight the struggles faced by subaltern groups while also emphasizing their resilience and capacity for resistance.

Subaltern voices in literature frequently emerge through characters who occupy marginalized social positions. These characters may belong to oppressed castes, tribal communities, rural populations, or other groups that have historically been excluded from dominant narratives. By centering these perspectives, postcolonial writers challenge traditional literary hierarchies and expand the scope of storytelling.

The representation of subaltern experiences also involves exploring the everyday realities of marginalization. Issues such as poverty, displacement, cultural erosion, and social discrimination often feature prominently in postcolonial narratives. Through these depictions, writers reveal the structural inequalities that shape the lives of marginalized communities.

At the same time, postcolonial literature does not simply portray subaltern groups as passive victims of oppression. Many texts emphasize the agency and resistance of marginalized individuals who challenge the systems of power that seek to control them. This emphasis on resistance highlights the dynamic nature of subaltern identity and underscores the importance of recognizing the contributions of marginalized communities to social and political change.

Gender, Subalternity, and Representation

Gender plays a crucial role in shaping the experiences of subaltern communities. Women in colonized societies often faced multiple layers of marginalization, including colonial domination, patriarchal oppression, and economic exploitation. As a result, the representation of subaltern women presents unique challenges within postcolonial literature.

Many postcolonial writers have sought to explore the intersections between gender and subalternity. These narratives often highlight the ways in which colonial and patriarchal structures interact to shape the lives of women. Issues such as domestic violence, social exclusion, and cultural restrictions frequently appear in these texts.

At the same time, postcolonial literature also portrays women as active participants in resistance movements and cultural transformation. Female characters often challenge traditional gender roles and assert their autonomy in various ways. Through these representations, postcolonial writers emphasize the importance of recognizing women’s contributions to social and political struggles.

The representation of subaltern women also raises important questions about voice and agency. Some critics argue that literary representations of marginalized women must be approached with caution to avoid reproducing stereotypes or speaking on behalf of those whose experiences may differ from those of the author. This challenge underscores the complexity of representing subaltern identities within literary discourse.

Narrative Strategies in Representing the Subaltern

Postcolonial writers employ a variety of narrative techniques to represent subaltern voices and challenge dominant discourses. One common strategy is the use of multiple narrative perspectives. By presenting events from different viewpoints, authors create a more nuanced understanding of social realities and highlight the diversity of experiences within marginalized communities.

Another important technique is the incorporation of oral traditions and folklore. Many postcolonial societies possess rich oral storytelling traditions that were marginalized by colonial institutions. By integrating these traditions into written literature, authors create alternative narrative forms that reflect indigenous cultural practices.

Language also plays a crucial role in representing subaltern voices. Postcolonial writers often experiment with linguistic forms by blending colonial languages with local dialects and expressions. This linguistic hybridity challenges the dominance of standard literary language and allows writers to capture the rhythms and nuances of everyday speech.

Fragmented narrative structures are also common in postcolonial texts. These structures reflect the disruptions caused by colonialism and highlight the complexities of historical memory. Rather than presenting a linear narrative, fragmented storytelling emphasizes the multiplicity of voices and perspectives that shape collective experience.

Through these narrative strategies, postcolonial literature creates spaces for marginalized voices to emerge. These techniques not only challenge traditional literary conventions but also contribute to the broader project of decolonizing knowledge and representation.

Cultural Memory and the Reconstruction of Identity

Cultural memory plays a significant role in the representation of subaltern voices within postcolonial literature. Colonial rule often disrupted traditional forms of memory by imposing new systems of education and cultural values. As a result, many communities experienced a loss of historical continuity and cultural identity.

Postcolonial writers seek to reconstruct these memories by revisiting historical events and cultural traditions that were marginalized under colonial rule. Through storytelling, they recover the experiences of past generations and reconnect contemporary readers with their cultural heritage.

The reconstruction of cultural memory also contributes to the formation of new identities in postcolonial societies. By reclaiming suppressed histories, individuals and communities are able to redefine their relationship with the past and assert their cultural autonomy.

This process often involves negotiating the complex interactions between indigenous traditions and colonial influences. Postcolonial identities are rarely defined by a single cultural heritage; instead, they emerge from the dynamic interplay of multiple historical and cultural forces. Literature provides a space for exploring these complexities and for imagining new possibilities for cultural belonging.

Conclusion

The recovery of subaltern voices represents one of the most significant achievements of postcolonial literature. By challenging the politics of representation embedded within colonial discourse, postcolonial writers have created new narrative spaces in which marginalized communities can be heard. These narratives expose the limitations of traditional historiography and emphasize the importance of recognizing diverse perspectives in the construction of historical knowledge.

The politics of representation remains a complex and contested issue within postcolonial studies. While literature offers powerful tools for recovering suppressed voices, it also raises important questions about authorship, authority, and the ethics of representation. Nevertheless, postcolonial texts demonstrate that storytelling can serve as a form of resistance against structures of domination.

Through their exploration of subaltern experiences, postcolonial writers contribute to the broader project of decolonizing knowledge and reconstructing cultural identity. Their works remind readers that history is not a neutral record of events but a dynamic process shaped by power, memory, and interpretation.

Ultimately, the representation of subaltern voices in postcolonial literature underscores the transformative potential of narrative. By giving voice to those who have been historically silenced, literature becomes a site of cultural recovery, political critique, and social empowerment.

References

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Bhabha, Homi K. The Location of Culture. Routledge.

Gangode, Sitaram., Dugaje, Manohar. Exclusion and Otherness in Arundhati Roy’s The Ministry of the Utmost Happiness. International Journal of Research. Vol-12-Issue-6, June-2025. https://ijrjournal.com/index.php/ijr/article/view/2106

Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. Grove Press.

Guha, Ranajit. Subaltern Studies: Writings on South Asian History and Society. Oxford University Press.

Loomba, Ania. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. Routledge.

Morve, Roshan., Dugaje, Manohar. Exploring lesbian adolescence: an analysis of Abha Dawesar’s Babyji. Mental Health and Social Inclusion. Volume 28, Issue 6. Dec. 2024. https://doi.org/10.1108/MHSI-11-2023-0122

Said, Edward. Orientalism. Vintage Books.

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. “Can the Subaltern Speak?” Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture.

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The Glimpses of Human Rights and Society in the Novels “Untouchable” and “The God of Small Things”

Daily writing prompt

Have you ever unintentionally broken the law?

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Dr. Ravindra Ramdas Borse

B.P.Arts, S.M.A. Sci. and K.K.C. Com. College, Chalisgaon

Email: ravindraborse1@gmail.com

ABSTRACT

The present study aims to observe the role of human rights in the societies before and after the independence India. It is studied through the novels of Indian writing in English. Here, it is an attempt to study, discuss and find out the reflection and violation of human rights in Indian society during pre-independence and post-independence period through the Indian fiction in English with reference to the selected novels of Mulk Raj Anand and Arunthati Roy. For this study two novels have been selected, first is “Untouchable” and another one is “The God of Small Things”. Selection of these writers and novels is based on the particular principles and thoughts. The basic criterion of selecting these writers and novels is the issue of “Human Rights”. Both the novels belong to two deferent periods of Indian history still they have a common theme that is humiliation of mankind and violation of human rights in the society. As we know that Mulk Raj Anand is the pioneer of Indian writing in English. He is an eminent writer in the history of Indian English Fiction. He is the first Indian writer who dared to write and raised the voice of deprived people in pre- independent India. On the other hand, Arundhati Roy is an author who belongs to post- independent period of India. In her novel, she tries to show the real picture and approach of Indian literate society and its people towards the poor and backward people through the depiction of Indian cultures and societies. In her novel “The God of Small Things”, she depicted the real picture of Indian people and their approach towards the illiterate and backward class people.

Above mentioned novels have been selected on the basis of following principles:

1. Both the novels focus on different cultures with common agenda.

2. The selected novels depict the plight and pathetic condition of downtrodden people in Indian society before and after the independence.

3. The writers of these novels have concern for underprivileged people.

4. Violation of human rights has been keenly depicted by these authors in above mentioned novels.

5. There is an ample scope for the study of human rights and its violation in India as shown in said novels.

KEYWORDS:

Deprived, underprivileged, downtrodden, human rights, backward, literate, illiterate, pre-independence, post-independence, plight, caste, creed, culture, multi-cultural, multi-lingual.

INTRODUCTION:

“Human Rights” are rights which have been offered to all human beings by birth with the purpose and aim of no discrimination. Without ‘Human Rights’ it’s impossible to the people to leave their life merrily. Each and every member in society needs of it. It helps all the human beings to live with freedom and peace. “Human Rights” can be considered as a basic rights or fundamental rights which have been offered to every individual. These rights are crucial in our life just like the ‘Food’,’ Cloths’ and ‘Shelter’ as the three basic needs of every human beings. Human rights have special significance in India and it also plays a vital role in the country like India. Role of ‘Human Rights” in a country like India is quiet complicated because it’s a large country in the world where people from different caste, culture and religion.

Role of ‘Human Rights” throughout a country like India is quiet complicated because it’s huge country within the world where people from different caste, culture and religion live together.

There are some other issues like population, poverty and lack of education which affect the proper implementation of human rights in India. The true beginning of “Human Rights” can be noticed on 10^th December 1948 at Paris. It is a year when United Nation’s General Assembly accepted and implemented the proposal of ‘Human Rights’ for world. But in India, it has been taken into consideration and implemented on 2^nd October 1993. An aim of ‘Human Rights Commission of India’ is to stop manipulation of Indians by the bureaucracy and safeguard the rights of common people.

As we know, India is multicultural and multilingual country in which people belongs to different caste, culture, community and creed still they live together. Above discussion makes it cleared that India is multi-lingual and multi-culture country. Due to these multi-culture and multi-lingual societies in India there is a chance and possibility to discriminate among the people of high caste and low caste. It has been noticed and observed from the past references that Indian society (in the context of Hinduism) had been divided into class / caste system (Vernas). The people were categorized into four classes / castes (vernas) such as: 1. Brahmin, 2. Kshatriyas, 3. Vaishyas, 4. Shudras. This class or verna system has at less or maximum level been continued in pre and post- independence India which we can notice in society and even in Indian writing as well. The incidents of ‘Human Rights violation in society’ are truly presented in the literary works of Mulk Raj Anand and Arunthati Roy. Number of words and sentences in “Untouchable” and “The God of Small Things” shows it in a cleared manner. For example, the words “Bhangis (Anand, p. 123), Chamars (Anand, p. 132), Harijans (Anand, p. 131) were used in contemporary period for deprived people of society to humiliate them by calling them with the use of their castes. To prove this point we can go through the novel “Untouchable” in which one can find number of examples of such discrimination among the people by the so called upper class society in Indian history from beginning to the present era by reading Indian literature. Indian literature is a mirror of society which reflects and represents Indian society, specially marginalized communities. In this context, the novel “Untouchable” and “The God of Small Things” are appropriate examples of deprived people. These writers shade lights on human rights’ violation in society through their respective novels. The characters sketch of the “Bakha” in ‘Untouchable’ and “Velutha” in ‘The God of Small Things’ are real depiction of underprivileged class in India. The themes of these novels move around these characters only. As we go through the reading of these novels it’s noticed that there is no life, freedom, peace and choice to lower class people in society as every incident in the novels present exploitation and humiliation of characters. Both ‘Bakha and Velutha’ are victims of caste system. Mulk Raj Anand and Arundhati Roy aim to reflect caste system and violation of human rights of these people in India in contemporary periods through the character sketches ‘Bakha and Velutha’. Mahatma Gandhi insisted and asked Mulk Raj Anand to give exposures to the plight of lower class communities in pre-independent India during 1930s. Casteism was a kind of disease in India. Even today, it has been continued in more or less amount directly or indirectly. Lower class people were suppressed by upper class not only by mental torture but also physically and socially. In this regard C.J. George says, “Casteism is a social practice and no Hindu religious leader of any merit and significance would admit it as part of his religion. Giving a place to casteism in Hindu religion is done by certain wolves in sheep’s skin for certain privileges and advantages” (p.40).

Human Rights and Literature (The novels under consideration):

Human rights and literature both are concerned to the human being and play crucial role in society. Progress and development of mankind is the common agenda of human rights and literature. Literature and human rights are age old concepts. The purpose of both of them is to shade light on human life and bring illiterate downtrodden people in to the flow. Thus, we can state that literature and human rights are two different things with same motto. Both try to develop and correlate to mankind. These two are the sources of the study and solutions to human challenges and issues of lower class such as exploitation and manipulation. Human rights and literature are the terms which harmonizing to one other. Therefore, it is necessary to discuss these terms simultaneously. Indian English literature has a tradition of raising issues of contemporary eras. Hereby, an attempt to study human rights perspective through the novels ‘Untouchable’ and ‘The God of Small Things’.

The novel “Untouchable is written by Mulk Raj Anand in 1935. It has been set in pre-independent India. The setting of the novel is of one day episode from morning to evening in which number of events can be observed in the life of low caste communities in colonial period of India. Mulk Raj Anand is one of the pioneers of Indian English Literature who often raised the point of subaltern people through all of his literary work. He is considered a champion of human rights as he depicted the true picture of human psyche in his literary pieces. The very first work of Mulk Raj Anand’s is ‘Untouchable’ where he pointed out the pathetic condition of marginalized people in society who have badly been treated in the Indian community by upper class. The story revolves around the prominent character ‘Bakha’. He is the man who has been fascinated by the upper class people in society. He just tries to imagine and imitate the upper class military officers life for oneself which highly impossible during the colonial India. We can notice the situation of it from the opening lines of the novel which gives us a vivid picture marginalized community and violation of their basic rights in the contemporary period. It can be cleared from the beginning lines of the novel “Untouchable”. The colony of these out caste people was settled in two rows near the cantonment in the town but out of the reach of upper class colony. The upper class people separated their colonies from the marginalised. There lived the scavengers, the grass-cutters and other outcastes from Hindu society” (Anand, p.1). Here, one can get an idea from the quote, how the place of living and the people who have been privileged were differentiated and poorly treated. During the pre-independence period lower class people were not allowed to join or sit with upper class people and it could be the reason of illiteracy and cause of lacking behind in lower class. Because they have never been allow to get an education or join the stream of knowledge which was the only right for upper class society. Education and performing prayers’ to God are the birth rights of upper class only. It was the tendency of upper class people towards lower class. Once Bakha was attracted by the worship “Sri Ram Chandarki Jai” (Long live the Great God Ram) (Anand, p.52). He was fascinated and moved at temple but was caught by the priest who shouted “Polluted, polluted, polluted”(Anand, p. 52). Lower caste people were not allowed to enter in the colonies of upper class. If he had to do so then must announce his arrivals.

“You be sure to shout now, you illegally begotten!” said a shopkeeper from a side, ‘if you have learnt your lesson!’ Bakha hurried away. He felt that everyone was looking at him. He bore the shopkeeper’s abuse silently and went on. A little later he slowed down, and quite automatically he began to shout: ‘Posh keep away, posh, sweeper coming, posh, posh, sweeper coming, posh, posh, sweeper coming!’ (Anand, p.42)

These lines appropriately express the plight and humiliation of Bakha in the novel Untouchable. Mulk Raj Anand in his novel clearly focuses on the treatment of upper class towards untouchables. Each and every page contains number of events that point out violation of human rights. In the novel ‘Untouchable’, it is noticed that even simple touch of untouchable impure the upper class man. “You’ve touched me, he had heard the Lalla say to Bakha, ‘I will have to bathe now and purify myself anyhow. Well, take this for your damned irresponsibility, you son of a swine!” (Anand, p.41). These lines show the mentality of so called upper class during colonized India. Untouchables were supposed to do all the menial work for upper class that is the only thing. In this way, Anand not only tries to sheds light on the upper class people’s attitude towards the lower class but also it is the violation of human rights of untouchables. On the other hand, though Arunthati Roy is a writer of post-independence era but reflection of downtrodden still observed in her novel “The God of Small Things”. The novel has been written in 1997 after the four years of establishment of ‘Human Rights Commission in India”. As we understand the background and professional life of Arundhati Roy it seems quite different to the way she has deal with the theme of “The God of Small Things”. The novel first published in the month of April of 1997 and received “Booker Prize” in the month of October of the same year. Within a short period of six months’ time she got an award for her novel. This is a rarest case in Indian history. It shows the prominence of the theme and her writing. By profession she is architecture and worked as a production designer. The theme and issues of Arundhati Roy’s novel are quite different from the other Indian writers in English. She began her writing carrier after getting separated from her husband after the four years married life. The novel “The God of Small things has its own place in Indian English literature. In the novel, she shades light on the current social issues of marginalized people. Through this novel, she provides exposure to these people and gives a platform to such people. She often tries to bring them in main stream of society as it has been noticed in the novel “The God of Small Things”. The plot of the novel begins with oppressive system of the society. There are two prominent issues we can notice here: one is caste exploitation in the contemporary period after the post-independent India and the second is the love story of a woman of upper caste who fallen in love with untouchable man. The setting of the novel is of Ayemenem, a small city in Kerala. The aim of the writer is to fight for equality and dignity of lower castes and classes in the society. Number of issues of human rights been discussed by her in the novel such as: children’s right, rights of women, rights of Dalit, right to select life partner for marriage and domestic violence.

Conclusion:

To sum up, the present paper is an attempt to sheds light on ‘Human rights and Literature’. Both the elements play crucial role in the life of people and society as well. “Human Rights and Literature” are interconnected and effective elements to understand psychology and traditionally biased mind set human being. At the one side, ‘Human rights’ is the study and guideline for people of society to live their life happily. On the other hand, ‘Literature’ can be strongly considered the manifesto of people in society. Apart from this, one can study, read and observe these novels for the better understanding of human rights and its violation. One can consider these novels as documents of human rights study and also the mirror which shows the real picture of upper class society and their tendency towards lower class. Reading of both the novels helps us to know ‘human rights and violation of it’ through literature as an outcome of society. Thus, it is noticed that the aim of Mulk Raj Anand and Arundhati Roy’s writing is to bring awareness among people of the society about the violation of human rights in real life situations.

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.Chakrabarty, Koyel and Beniwal, Anup.“Human Rights and Literature: A Complementary Study in Indian Fiction in English.”International Journal of the Arts in Society.Vol.3. No.5. Common Ground Publishing Ltd. Melbourne: 2009:23-33.
Chakrabarty, Koyel. The Problematics of Human Rights in Indian Fiction in English.Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis. New Delhi: Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, 2011.
Choondawat, P. S. “Untouchability and Untouchable Youth: A Study in Urban Context” in Singh R. (ed.) The Expressed Classes of India: Problems and prospects. New Delhi: B.R., 1986.
George, C. J. Mulk Raj Anand: His Art and Concerns. New Delhi: Atlantic, 2000.
Hudson, R. Socio-linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Iyengar, K. R. S. Indian Writing in English. Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962.
Roy, Arundhati.The God of Small Things. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2002.

Indian Women’s Historical Role in 21st Century

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Prof. Dr. Yogesh Jagannath Korde (Associate Professor, Dept.of History)

Uttamrao Patil Arts and Science College, Dahiwel, Tal. Sakri, Dist. Dhule.

Email: kordeyj10@gmail.com Mob. 7588735543 / 9423906366

Introduction:

In Indian culture, women have been considered symbols of respect, honor, and maternal power. From the Vedic period to the modern era, women have been given an important place in the formation of family, society, and culture. However, looking at the actual socio-political reality, women have often been given a secondary position. Although women are respected in the religious and cultural spheres, their participation in the social, economic, and especially political spheres has remained limited, which is a significant contradiction facing Indian democracy.

The contribution of women to the Indian freedom struggle is invaluable and inspiring. Many women like Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi, Kasturba Gandhi, Sarojini Naidu, Annie Besant, and Vijayalakshmi Pandit actively participated in the freedom movement. They not only participated in movements and satyagrahas but also played a crucial role in the dissemination of national ideology, organization building, and leadership. However, in the post-independence period, especially in parliamentary politics, the representation of women has not increased as expected. A review of Indian politics over the approximately seven decades since independence shows that political power and decision-making processes are still primarily male-dominated. With a few notable exceptions, most women leaders in politics are connected to a family political background. Many women have risen to prominence due to the political legacy of their fathers, husbands, or other influential male leaders in their families. This raises questions about the independent leadership capabilities of women.

Although reservations have been provided for women in local self-governing bodies, in practice, concepts like ‘Sarpanch’s husband’ and ‘Councillor’s husband’ are prevalent in many places. This makes women’s political participation merely formal, and men continue to dominate the actual decision-making process. This situation is alarming from the perspective of gender equality in Indian democracy. Men and women are considered two equal wheels of the chariot of society. To achieve the all-round development of the nation, it is essential to provide equal opportunities, equal rights, and equal responsibilities to both these components. However, even today, women do not receive political representation proportionate to their population. Therefore, the subject of ‘women and politics’ becomes a crucial research topic, not only socially but also politically, constitutionally, and in relation to democratic values. Against this backdrop, this research attempts to study the position, participation, contribution, and current status of women in Indian politics. The main objective of this study is to underscore the importance of women’s political participation in making Indian democracy more inclusive, egalitarian, and robust.

Research Goal:

The main objective of this research is to conduct an in-depth and critical study of the status, participation, leadership opportunities, and role of women in the decision-making process within Indian politics. By analyzing the contributions of Indian women to the political field since independence, the opportunities they have received, and the patriarchal mindset that still exists, this research aims to clarify the current state of women’s political empowerment.

Research Objectives:

1) To review the historical contributions of women in Indian politics and analyze their participation from the freedom movement to the present day.

2) To study the representation of women in Parliament, state legislatures, the cabinet, and top constitutional positions (President, Prime Minister, Chief Minister, etc.).

3) To examine the influence of family political legacy and patriarchal power structures on women’s entry into and progress in politics.

4) To review the work and leadership qualities of prominent women political leaders in Maharashtra and India.

Research Methodology:

Historical Method: The historical method has been used to trace the journey, contributions, and changing roles of women in Indian politics from the pre-independence era to the present day.

Data Collection Tools:

For this research, data has been collected based on primary and secondary sources. Primary sources: Constitutional provisions, parliamentary proceedings, and government reports. Secondary sources: Books on political science and sociology, research papers, journals and magazines, newspapers, articles, and reliable websites.

Importance of the Subject:

Equal participation of men and women is crucial for the robustness of the Indian democratic system. Despite women constituting nearly half of the Indian population, their participation in the political decision-making process is disproportionately low. Therefore, the subject of “Women and Politics” is not merely limited to academic study but is of paramount importance from the perspective of social, political, and democratic values. Men and women are the two inseparable wheels of the chariot of society, and if one wheel is neglected, the nation’s journey becomes unbalanced. Increased active participation of women in politics can lead to greater sensitivity in policy-making, giving more priority to social justice, education, health, women and child welfare, environment, and grassroots issues. This helps in making democracy more inclusive, representative, and effective. The contributions of women in the freedom struggle, as well as the leadership demonstrated by women like Indira Gandhi, Pratibha Patil, Jayalalithaa, Mamata Banerjee, and Mayawati in high positions after independence, clearly show that women’s capabilities are in no way inferior to those of men. Yet, the fact that women are still given a secondary role in Indian politics is a matter of concern. Studying this inconsistency and investigating the underlying social, cultural, and political reasons is essential. Although the reservation system in local self-governing bodies has increased women’s participation, in many places, the indirect dominance of men in actual power is still evident. Therefore, this research underscores the need for not just quantitative representation, but also meaningful and independent political empowerment of women. The main objective of this research is to present the current situation of women in Indian politics from a realistic perspective, to highlight the inequalities based on data, and to stimulate positive policy discussions for increasing women’s political participation in the future. Therefore, this research proves useful in creating social awareness and encouraging policymakers, scholars, and political parties to introspect.

Overall, women’s participation in politics is not merely a matter of women’s rights, but a fundamental basis for the quality of democracy, national progress, and social balance. Hence, the topic of women and politics is of paramount importance and remains highly relevant and necessary in the context of contemporary Indian society.

Despite women’s valuable contributions at the political, social, and national levels from the freedom movement to modern times, their participation in decision-making processes appears to be limited. The reality that women’s representation is extremely low at all levels of the highest positions in Indian democracy—President, Prime Minister, Vice President, Deputy Prime Minister, Speaker of the Lok Sabha, Chief Minister—cannot be denied. With a few notable exceptions, it is observed that the majority of women leaders have emerged based on their family’s political background. This highlights the patriarchal mindset and structural obstacles in Indian politics.

Although reservations have been provided for women in local self-governing bodies, in reality, women’s representation remains formal in many places, and their independent participation in decision-making is limited. Social customs, lack of education, economic dependence, and lack of political training are important reasons behind this.

However, women leaders like Indira Gandhi, Pratibha Patil, Jayalalithaa, Mamata Banerjee, Mayawati, Nirmala Sitharaman, and Sushma Swaraj have proven through their efficiency, leadership qualities, and decisive roles that Indian women can capably handle the highest responsibilities. Their work has helped dispel misconceptions about women’s leadership abilities. Overall, this research clearly shows that despite women’s undeniable contribution to Indian politics, they do not receive representation proportionate to their population. If we want to improve the quality of democracy and achieve the all-round development of the nation, it is essential to give women equal participation in the decision-making process, rather than limiting them merely to reservations. Providing women with political education, leadership training, and independent opportunities will make Indian politics more balanced, sensitive, and inclusive. Therefore, considering women and men as two equal wheels of the chariot of society, implementing concrete policy measures for the political empowerment of women is the need of the hour. Only then will it be possible to build a truly egalitarian and robust democracy.

References:

1) Diwan, Mohan; Devdhar, Jayant; Diwani, Vivek (2004), Politics of States in India.

Nagpur: Vidya Prakashan,

2) Government of Maharashtra (2017), Maharashtra Yearbook. Produced by Directorate General of Information and Public Relations, Mumbai–32,

3) Palshikar, Suhas; Birmal, Nitin, Politics of Maharashtra: Local Context. Pune: Pratima Prakashan,

4) Shinde, Sahadev; Chogule, Sahadev Patheya (Part–3). Kolhapur: Diksha Publication,

5) Mehendale, Vishwas, Yashwantrao Chavan to Prithviraj Chavan. Anubandh Prakashan,

6) Patil, Amritrao, Khandesh Lok Sabha. Jalgaon: Prashant Publication,

7) Women and Political Issues Jaipur: ABD Publication,

Myth and Folklore in Naga-Mandala by Girish Karnad

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Vijay Tulshiram Jadhav

Department of English

Mahatma Gandhi Vidya Mandir, Karamveer Bhausaheb Hiray Arts, Science and Commerce College, Nimgaon, Tal–Malegaon, Dist.–Nashik

Email: vjadhav8390@gmail.com

Abstract

Girish Karnad is a major figure in modern Indian English theatre, known for his effective use of Indian myths, history, and folklore to examine contemporary social issues. Rather than merely retelling traditional stories, Karnad reshapes them to address problems related to marriage, gender relations, and individual identity. His play Naga-Mandala (1988), which is based on two Kannada folktales, is a clear example of this creative method.

This paper examines how myth and folklore function as important narrative devices in Naga-Mandala. Through symbols such as the serpent (Naga), magic roots, the anthill, and the Raat-Rani flower, Karnad brings attention to the suppressed emotional and sexual experiences of women within a patriarchal social system. These symbolic elements expose the emotional distance, moral weakness, and hypocrisy that often exist within male-dominated institutions, especially marriage. The contrast between the socially respected but emotionally indifferent husband and the caring mythical lover highlights the failure of patriarchal masculinity to provide emotional fulfilment.

The paper argues that Naga-Mandala uses folklore as a means of feminist expression by giving space to women’s inner experiences and desires. At the same time, it also reveals the limitations of traditional belief systems, as women’s acceptance depends on social and ritual approval. By combining oral folk traditions with modern theatrical form, Karnad shows that myth continues to be a meaningful and effective medium in contemporary Indian English drama.

Keywords: Girish Karnad, myth, folklore, patriarchy.

Introduction

After India’s independence, Indian English drama gradually moved away from Western dramatic models and began to draw inspiration from indigenous cultural sources. Playwrights started using myths, history, and folklore to express social tensions, psychological conflicts, and postcolonial concerns. Among these playwrights, Girish Karnad holds an important place because of his ability to reinterpret traditional stories in a modern and critical manner.

Karnad does not simply retell myths; he questions them. His plays examine the power structures and social values hidden within traditional narratives. Naga-Mandala (1988) is a strong example of this approach. The play is based on oral folktales that are usually told by women within domestic spaces. By transforming these stories into a modern play, Karnad explores issues of patriarchy, marriage, and female desire. Unlike classical myths that focus on male heroes, the folktales used in Naga-Mandala arise from marginal voices, especially those of women, and therefore challenge dominant cultural traditions.

Research Objectives and Methodology

Research Objectives

The objectives of this paper are:

To examine how myth and folklore operate as narrative tools in Naga-Mandala.
To study the symbolic meaning of elements such as the serpent, magic roots, anthill, and the Raat-Rani flower.
To explore how Karnad uses women-centred folktales to question patriarchal marriage systems.
To establish Naga-Mandala as a feminist reinterpretation of folklore in modern Indian English drama.

Methodology

This study follows a qualitative method of textual analysis. It makes use of:

Myth criticism, especially Northrop Frye’s ideas about archetypes,
Feminist literary criticism focusing on gender, power, and sexuality, and
Folklore studies, particularly the oral traditions discussed by A. K. Ramanujan.

The primary text for analysis is Naga-Mandala. Secondary sources include critical writings on Karnad, Indian theatre, mythology, and feminist theory.

Girish Karnad and the Use of Myth and Folklore

Girish Karnad’s plays regularly use myths, legends, and folktales to explore modern human problems. In Tughlaq, he presents the conflict between political idealism and failure. In Hayavadana, myth becomes a means to explore questions of identity and completeness. In Naga-Mandala, however, Karnad shifts his attention from classical myths to folktales that come from women’s oral traditions.

These folktales are often seen as simple or insignificant, but they express deep emotional truths about women’s lives. By presenting them on the modern stage, Karnad gives importance to voices that are usually ignored. Folklore thus becomes a medium through which suppressed experiences are expressed and social norms are questioned.

Literature Review

Many critics have discussed Karnad’s use of myth and folklore. Aparna Dharwadker explains that Karnad’s plays create a balance between tradition and modernity, using myth as a space for social and ideological debate rather than mere cultural revival. Meenakshi Mukherjee points out that Indian English writers often adapt traditional narratives to address contemporary social issues.

K. Ramanujan’s work on Indian folktales is particularly important for understanding Naga-Mandala. He observes that folktales often preserve women’s suppressed emotions and experiences, especially in relation to marriage and sexuality. While earlier studies recognize the role of folklore in Naga-Mandala, they pay limited attention to how women’s desire and agency are expressed through symbols. This paper attempts to focus on this aspect.

The Serpent (Naga) Myth and Patriarchal Masculinity

In Indian mythology, the serpent or Naga is commonly associated with fertility, renewal, and masculine power. Karnad reshapes this symbol to question traditional ideas of masculinity. The Naga, who takes the form of Appanna at night, shows affection, care, and sexual sensitivity—qualities missing in the real Appanna.

Appanna enjoys respect in society but lacks emotional depth. His cold behaviour towards Rani reveals the emptiness of patriarchal authority, which values control over emotional connection. The Naga’s presence brings emotional and physical fulfillment into Rani’s life, showing how patriarchal systems deny women genuine intimacy.

Magic Roots, Anthill, and Transformation

Magic roots are common in Indian myths and usually symbolize fertility and change. In Naga-Mandala, the blind woman Kurudavva gives Rani a magic root to awaken Appanna’s desire. When it fails, it exposes Appanna’s emotional weakness. Rani throws the root into an anthill, which leads to the awakening of the Naga.

The anthill acts as a symbol of birth and transformation. Rani’s accidental action leads to a major change in her life. This suggests that nature and folklore offer possibilities of change that rigid social rules do not allow.

Marriage and Patriarchy: A Critical Reading

Marriage in Naga-Mandala is shown not as a sacred relationship but as a social system that supports male dominance. Appanna’s good reputation in society hides his cruel behaviour at home. Rani’s silence in the beginning reflects how women often accept oppression as normal.

The Naga’s role challenges the belief that marriage alone ensures happiness. By presenting an alternative emotional relationship, Karnad exposes the emotional emptiness of patriarchal masculinity.

Folklore as Feminist Resistance

Rani does not openly rebel against her situation, yet folklore works as a silent force that empowers her. At the end of the play, her transformation into a goddess shows how myth validates women’s experiences even when logic and reality fail to do so.

At the same time, Karnad remains critical. Rani’s acceptance by society depends on a test of purity, showing that folklore can support patriarchal values as well. This double nature of folklore makes the play complex and realistic rather than idealistic

Conclusion

Naga-Mandala clearly shows Girish Karnad’s skill in using myth and folklore to examine social realities. By focusing on women’s oral narratives, the play highlights the emotional suffering caused by patriarchy and the neglect of women’s desires. Myth becomes both a means of resistance and a reflection of social contradictions.

Karnad neither blindly supports tradition nor completely rejects it. Instead, he questions its values and power structures. Through Naga-Mandala, he connects the past with the present and confirms the importance of myth in modern Indian theatre. The play establishes Karnad as a major voice in Indian English drama who successfully combines tradition with critical insight.

References

Karnad, Girish. Naga-Mandala: Play with a Cobra. Oxford University Press, 1990.

Dharwadker, Aparna. Theatres of Independence: Drama, Theory, and Urban Performance in India since 1947. Oxford University Press, 2005.

Mukherjee, Meenakshi. The Twice Born Fiction. Heinemann, 1971.

Ramanujan, A. K. Folktales from India. Pantheon Books, 1991.

Frye, Northrop. Anatomy of Criticism. Princeton University Press, 1957.

Beauvoir, Simone de. The Second Sex. Vintage, 1989.

Modernity and the Subaltern Experience in the Works of Kiran Desai, Arundhati Roy, and Aravind Adiga

Daily writing prompt

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Citation

Yadav, P. (2026). Modernity and the Subaltern Experience in the Works of Kiran Desai, Arundhati Roy, and Aravind Adiga. International Journal of Research, 12(12), 689–694. https://doi.org/10.26643/rb.v118i1.7254

Priyanka Yadav

Research Scholar

Dept. of English, J. P. University, Chapra

Abstract

The emergence of modernity in postcolonial India has generated complex social, economic, and cultural transformations that have significantly influenced the lives of marginalized communities. Indian English fiction has played a crucial role in representing these changes by foregrounding the voices of the subaltern and interrogating dominant narratives of progress and development. This paper examines the representation of modernity and the subaltern experience in the selected works of Kiran Desai, Arundhati Roy, and Aravind Adiga. Through a close reading of The Inheritance of Loss, The God of Small Things, and The White Tiger, this study explores how these writers depict the tensions between tradition and modernity, privilege and deprivation, power and resistance. Drawing upon postcolonial theory, subaltern studies, and sociological perspectives, the paper argues that these novelists present modernity as a contradictory force that simultaneously promises mobility and perpetuates inequality. The protagonists and marginalized characters in these works negotiate their identities within oppressive social structures shaped by class, caste, gender, and global capitalism. By highlighting lived experiences of exclusion and aspiration, Desai, Roy, and Adiga challenge hegemonic representations of Indian modernity and create alternative narratives that foreground subaltern agency. This comparative analysis demonstrates that contemporary Indian English fiction serves as a powerful medium for critiquing social injustice and reimagining inclusive forms of development.

Keywords: Modernity, Subaltern Studies, Indian English Fiction, Marginality, Postcolonial Literature, Power, Globalization, Social Inequality

Introduction

The concept of modernity occupies a central position in discussions of postcolonial societies, particularly in the context of developing nations such as India. Modernity is often associated with industrialization, urbanization, technological advancement, education, and global integration. However, in postcolonial settings, modernity is rarely experienced uniformly. Instead, it is marked by uneven development, social stratification, and persistent forms of marginalization. While certain sections of society benefit from economic liberalization and globalization, large segments continue to remain excluded from opportunities and resources. This uneven distribution of power and privilege has generated a complex social reality in which traditional hierarchies coexist with modern institutions.

Indian English literature has consistently engaged with these contradictions. Contemporary novelists have explored how modernity shapes individual lives and collective identities, particularly among marginalized communities. The subaltern, a term popularized by the Subaltern Studies Group and theorists such as Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, refers to those social groups who are excluded from political representation and cultural dominance. These groups include the rural poor, lower castes, women, migrant workers, and other disenfranchised communities. Their voices are often silenced within dominant historical and literary narratives.

Kiran Desai, Arundhati Roy, and Aravind Adiga belong to a generation of writers who have critically examined the impact of modernity on Indian society. Their novels reflect the anxieties, aspirations, and struggles of individuals located at the margins of power. Through innovative narrative techniques and socially engaged storytelling, these writers interrogate the myth of progress and expose the human costs of development. This paper seeks to analyze how modernity is represented in The Inheritance of Loss, The God of Small Things, and The White Tiger, and how the subaltern experience is articulated within these narratives.

By adopting a comparative approach, this study aims to highlight both common concerns and distinctive perspectives in the works of these authors. It argues that while Desai emphasizes emotional displacement and cultural alienation, Roy foregrounds caste and gender oppression, and Adiga focuses on class conflict and economic exploitation. Together, their writings provide a multidimensional critique of contemporary Indian modernity.

Theoretical Framework: Modernity and Subaltern Studies

Theoretical discussions of modernity in postcolonial contexts emphasize its ambivalent nature. Scholars such as Partha Chatterjee and Homi Bhabha have argued that postcolonial modernity differs significantly from its Western counterpart. It emerges within conditions of colonial domination and economic dependency, resulting in hybrid social formations. Modern institutions such as democracy, education, and capitalism coexist with feudal structures, patriarchal values, and caste hierarchies. As a result, modernity becomes a site of conflict rather than consensus.

Subaltern Studies, initiated in the 1980s by scholars like Ranajit Guha, sought to recover the voices of marginalized groups from elite historiography. This approach challenged nationalist and colonial narratives that ignored popular resistance and everyday struggles. Spivak’s influential question, “Can the Subaltern Speak?”, further problematized the representation of marginalized voices in academic and literary discourse. She argued that even well-intentioned intellectuals often appropriate subaltern experiences, thereby reinforcing power structures.

In literary studies, the subaltern perspective has encouraged critics to examine how marginalized characters are portrayed and whether they possess narrative agency. The intersection of modernity and subalternity reveals how development projects, globalization, and urban expansion often displace traditional communities and exacerbate inequalities. Literature becomes a crucial space for articulating these tensions and contesting dominant ideologies.

This paper draws upon postcolonial theory, subaltern studies, and sociological insights to analyze how Desai, Roy, and Adiga represent marginalized lives. It considers narrative voice, characterization, spatial settings, and symbolic imagery as key elements through which modernity and subalternity are negotiated.

Modernity and Displacement in Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss

Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss presents a nuanced exploration of globalization, migration, and cultural alienation. Set in the Himalayan town of Kalimpong and interspersed with scenes from the United States, the novel portrays characters caught between local traditions and global aspirations. The narrative foregrounds emotional and psychological dimensions of marginalization rather than overt political resistance.

The character of Biju, an undocumented immigrant in America, represents the transnational subaltern. His journey reflects the disillusionment of many migrants who seek economic mobility but encounter exploitation and isolation. Working in restaurant kitchens under harsh conditions, Biju remains invisible within the host society. His experience exposes the darker side of globalization, where labor mobility benefits corporations while dehumanizing workers.

In India, characters such as Sai and Gyan grapple with identity crises shaped by colonial legacies and modern education. The judge, Jemubhai Patel, embodies internalized colonialism. Educated in England, he despises his native culture and family, resulting in emotional repression and social withdrawal. His alienation illustrates how modernity, mediated through colonial institutions, can produce self-denial and cultural dislocation.

The Gorkhaland movement depicted in the novel highlights regional marginalization and political unrest. Insurgent youth challenge state authority, reflecting frustrations arising from economic neglect and cultural invisibility. However, Desai presents this resistance as fragmented and emotionally charged rather than ideologically coherent.

Through these narratives, Desai portrays modernity as a force that fragments identities and intensifies feelings of loss. The subaltern in her novel is characterized by vulnerability, displacement, and longing. While her characters rarely achieve structural transformation, their emotional struggles reveal the human consequences of uneven development.

Caste, Gender, and Subaltern Resistance in Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things

Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things offers a powerful critique of social hierarchies rooted in caste, gender, and class. Set in Kerala, the novel examines how rigid social norms regulate individual desires and perpetuate inequality. Roy situates her narrative within both local traditions and broader political contexts, including communism and globalization.

Velutha, an Untouchable carpenter, represents the most marginalized figure in the novel. Despite his technical skills and political awareness, he remains excluded from social mobility due to caste discrimination. His relationship with Ammu violates social codes and triggers brutal repression. Velutha’s death symbolizes the violent silencing of subaltern aspirations that challenge hegemonic structures.

Ammu’s marginalization as a divorced woman further illustrates gendered oppression. Her lack of economic independence and social status exposes her vulnerability within patriarchal systems. Although educated and emotionally resilient, she is denied dignity and autonomy. Her tragic fate reflects the limitations imposed on women within both traditional and modern frameworks.

The twin protagonists, Estha and Rahel, experience psychological trauma resulting from social conflict and familial breakdown. Their fragmented identities reflect the broader disintegration of social cohesion under modern pressures. Roy employs a non-linear narrative structure to mirror this fragmentation and to challenge conventional storytelling modes.

Roy’s political engagement distinguishes her approach from Desai’s more introspective style. She foregrounds collective injustice and structural violence, emphasizing the need for social transformation. By centering the narrative on marginalized voices, Roy enables the subaltern to speak, even if temporarily, through literary representation.

Modernity in Roy’s novel is associated with consumerism, political corruption, and cultural erosion. Yet, she also gestures toward alternative forms of solidarity and resistance. Love, memory, and storytelling emerge as subversive forces that contest dominant power relations.

Class Conflict and Economic Exploitation in Aravind Adiga’s The White Tiger

Aravind Adiga’s The White Tiger presents a stark portrayal of neoliberal India characterized by extreme economic disparities. Through the voice of Balram Halwai, the novel exposes the brutal realities of class exploitation and social immobility. Adiga adopts a confessional narrative style that allows the subaltern protagonist to narrate his own story.

Balram originates from the “Darkness,” a metaphor for rural poverty and systemic neglect. His early life is marked by deprivation, child labor, and lack of educational opportunities. Despite his intelligence, structural barriers prevent his upward mobility. The novel thus critiques meritocratic myths associated with modern capitalism.

Working as a driver for a wealthy family, Balram witnesses corruption, hypocrisy, and moral decay among elites. His employers embody the contradictions of modernity, combining Westernized lifestyles with feudal attitudes. They benefit from globalization while perpetuating exploitation.

Balram’s eventual act of murder and theft represents a radical form of resistance. By becoming an entrepreneur through criminal means, he breaks free from servitude. However, his success raises ethical questions. Adiga does not romanticize violence but presents it as a product of systemic injustice. The “rooster coop” metaphor illustrates how social conditioning prevents collective rebellion among the poor.

Unlike Desai’s passive sufferers and Roy’s tragic rebels, Adiga’s protagonist actively reshapes his destiny, albeit through morally ambiguous methods. His voice is assertive, ironic, and confrontational. This narrative strategy challenges elite literary conventions and foregrounds subaltern consciousness.

Modernity in The White Tiger is depicted as ruthless competition. Economic growth benefits a small minority while marginalizing millions. Adiga exposes how democracy and capitalism fail to deliver social justice, thereby questioning dominant development paradigms.

Comparative Analysis: Convergences and Divergences

A comparative reading of these novels reveals significant thematic convergences. All three authors critique the myth of inclusive progress and highlight the persistence of inequality. Their narratives expose how modern institutions reinforce existing hierarchies rather than dismantling them. Globalization, urbanization, and education emerge as double-edged forces that offer opportunities to some while marginalizing others.

At the same time, each writer adopts a distinct perspective. Desai emphasizes emotional displacement and cultural hybridity, portraying marginalization as a condition of existential uncertainty. Roy foregrounds caste and gender oppression, presenting subalternity as structurally embedded and violently enforced. Adiga focuses on economic exploitation and class conflict, depicting subaltern resistance in aggressive and pragmatic terms.

Narrative strategies also differ significantly. Desai employs lyrical prose and multiple perspectives to convey fragmentation. Roy uses experimental structure and symbolic imagery to challenge linear history. Adiga adopts a satirical and confessional voice to provoke readers. These stylistic choices shape how subaltern experiences are represented and interpreted.

In terms of agency, Desai’s characters remain largely constrained, Roy’s characters resist but are defeated, and Adiga’s protagonist succeeds through transgression. This variation reflects different ideological positions regarding the possibility of social change. Together, these narratives suggest that subaltern agency is contingent, fragile, and often compromised.

Conclusion

The works of Kiran Desai, Arundhati Roy, and Aravind Adiga provide insightful critiques of modernity and its impact on marginalized communities in postcolonial India. Through diverse narrative techniques and thematic concerns, these authors expose the contradictions of development and globalization. Their novels reveal how modernity, instead of ensuring social mobility and equality, often reproduces structures of exclusion.

By foregrounding subaltern experiences, these writers challenge dominant representations of Indian progress. They emphasize lived realities of poverty, discrimination, and displacement that remain invisible in official discourse. At the same time, their narratives explore possibilities of resistance, whether through emotional resilience, political dissent, or radical self-assertion.

This study demonstrates that contemporary Indian English fiction functions as a vital space for negotiating questions of power, identity, and justice. Desai, Roy, and Adiga not only document social realities but also reshape literary conventions to accommodate marginalized voices. Their works invite readers to reconsider prevailing notions of success and development and to imagine more inclusive forms of modernity.

In an era marked by rapid economic change and persistent inequality, these novels remain profoundly relevant. They remind us that true progress cannot be measured solely by material growth but must be evaluated in terms of human dignity, social equity, and ethical responsibility.

Works Cited

Adiga, Aravind. The White Tiger. HarperCollins, 2008.

Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin. The Empire Writes Back: Theory and Practice in Post-Colonial Literatures. 2nd ed., Routledge, 2002.

Bhabha, Homi K. The Location of Culture. Routledge, 1994.

Chatterjee, Partha. The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories. Princeton UP, 1993.

Desai, Kiran. The Inheritance of Loss. Hamish Hamilton, 2006.

Guha, Ranajit. Dominance without Hegemony: History and Power in Colonial India. Harvard UP, 1997.

Nayar, Pramod K. Postcolonial Literature: An Introduction. Pearson, 2008.

Roy, Arundhati. The God of Small Things. IndiaInk, 1997.

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. “Can the Subaltern Speak?” Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, edited by Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg, U of Illinois P, 1988, pp. 271–313.

Thiong’o, Ngũgĩ wa. Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature. Heinemann, 1986.

Young, Robert J. C. Postcolonialism: An Historical Introduction. Blackwell, 2001.

Social Divisions and Democratic Practice: Caste, Religion, and Ethnicity in Indian Politics

Daily writing prompt

Describe a phase in life that was difficult to say goodbye to.

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Citation

Anand, P. (2026). Social Divisions and Democratic Practice: Caste, Religion, and Ethnicity in Indian Politics. Think India Quarterly, 28(3), 39–44. https://doi.org/10.26643/rb.v118i6.7662

Prem Anand

MA, UGC NET (Political science)

Sahebganj Sonarpatti Chowk, Chapra, Saran, Bihar, 841301

royale.prem@gmail.com

Abstract

India is often celebrated as the world’s largest democracy, a nation that has sustained electoral politics, constitutional governance, and pluralist institutions despite deep and enduring social divisions. Yet the vitality of Indian democracy cannot be understood without examining the ways in which caste, religion, and ethnicity shape political mobilization, representation, and state power. These social cleavages are neither static nor merely remnants of tradition; they are dynamic forces that intersect with modern democratic processes, electoral competition, party strategies, and public policy. This paper explores how caste, religion, and ethnicity have structured political participation and democratic practice in India from the colonial period to the present. It argues that social divisions in India have functioned both as instruments of political empowerment and as sources of polarization and conflict. While democratic institutions have enabled marginalized communities to claim representation and rights, the politicization of identity has also intensified communal tensions, electoral fragmentation, and majoritarian tendencies. By analyzing historical developments, constitutional provisions, electoral trends, and contemporary political narratives, this paper demonstrates that Indian democracy is characterized by a complex negotiation between social diversity and democratic ideals. The study concludes that the resilience of Indian democracy lies in its ability to accommodate social plurality within constitutional frameworks, yet its future stability depends on balancing identity-based mobilization with inclusive and secular democratic principles.

Keywords: Indian democracy, caste politics, religious nationalism, ethnicity, identity politics, electoral mobilization, social cleavages, constitutionalism, representation, pluralism

Introduction

The democratic experience of India presents a paradox that has intrigued political theorists, sociologists, and historians alike. Emerging from colonial rule in 1947 amid poverty, illiteracy, and vast social diversity, India adopted a universal adult franchise and a written Constitution that guaranteed equality, secularism, and fundamental rights. Contrary to early predictions that democracy would falter in such a heterogeneous society, India has conducted regular elections, witnessed peaceful transfers of power, and maintained a vibrant public sphere. Yet beneath this democratic continuity lies a persistent interplay between social divisions and political practice.

Caste, religion, and ethnicity have historically structured Indian society. Far from being erased by modernization or constitutional guarantees, these identities have been reconfigured within democratic politics. Electoral competition has provided incentives for political parties to mobilize voters along caste and religious lines, while marginalized communities have utilized democratic institutions to assert claims for recognition and redistribution. The result is a political landscape in which identity operates simultaneously as a source of empowerment and fragmentation.

This paper examines the relationship between social divisions and democratic practice in Indian politics. It begins by outlining the theoretical framework of social cleavages and democracy. It then traces the historical roots of caste, religious, and ethnic mobilization from the colonial era to the post-independence period. Subsequent sections analyze the role of caste politics, religious nationalism, and ethnic regionalism in shaping electoral outcomes, party systems, and state policies. The paper concludes by assessing the implications of identity-based politics for the future of Indian democracy.

Theoretical Framework: Social Cleavages and Democratic Practice

Democratic systems operate within social contexts characterized by varying degrees of diversity and inequality. Political theorists such as Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan have argued that social cleavages, including class, religion, and ethnicity, shape party systems and patterns of political competition. In deeply divided societies, democratic stability depends on institutional arrangements that accommodate pluralism while preventing violent conflict.

In India, social divisions are historically embedded in caste hierarchies, religious communities, linguistic identities, and tribal affiliations. The concept of “identity politics” refers to the mobilization of these identities for political ends. Identity-based mobilization may enhance democratic participation by giving voice to marginalized groups, but it may also entrench polarization if political competition becomes primarily communal.

The Indian Constitution sought to mitigate the potential dangers of social fragmentation by establishing a secular state, guaranteeing fundamental rights, and instituting affirmative action policies for historically disadvantaged groups. However, democracy does not eliminate social divisions; rather, it transforms them into arenas of contestation. Electoral politics provides incentives for parties to construct coalitions based on caste arithmetic, religious solidarity, or regional identity. Thus, democratic practice in India must be understood as an ongoing negotiation between constitutional ideals and social realities.

Historical Context: Colonial Legacies and Identity Formation

The roots of identity-based politics in India can be traced to the colonial period. British administrative policies categorized populations according to caste and religion, conducting censuses that solidified social classifications. Separate electorates for Muslims under the Government of India Act of 1909 institutionalized communal representation, thereby politicizing religious identity.

Simultaneously, anti-colonial mobilization fostered both inclusive nationalism and communal differentiation. The Indian National Congress articulated a secular, pluralist vision of nationhood, while the Muslim League emphasized Muslim political autonomy. The eventual Partition of India in 1947 along religious lines left a traumatic legacy that continues to shape communal politics.

Caste politics also evolved during the colonial era. Social reform movements challenged Brahmanical dominance, and leaders such as B. R. Ambedkar demanded political safeguards for the Depressed Classes. The Poona Pact of 1932 established reserved seats for Scheduled Castes within joint electorates, laying the foundation for post-independence affirmative action policies.

Thus, colonial rule both codified social identities and provided institutional channels for their political expression. The post-independence democratic framework inherited these complexities and sought to manage them through constitutional design.

Caste and Democratic Mobilization

Caste has been one of the most enduring axes of political mobilization in India. Although the Constitution abolished untouchability and guaranteed equality before law, caste hierarchies persisted in social and economic life. Democratic politics created opportunities for lower castes to assert themselves through electoral participation.

In the early decades after independence, the Congress party maintained dominance through broad coalitions that included upper castes, Dalits, and minorities. Over time, however, the decline of Congress hegemony opened space for regional and caste-based parties. The implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations in 1990, which expanded reservations for Other Backward Classes in public employment, marked a watershed moment. It signaled the rise of backward caste politics and reshaped party competition.

Political parties such as the Samajwadi Party and the Rashtriya Janata Dal mobilized OBC communities, while the Bahujan Samaj Party articulated a Dalit-centered political ideology. These developments demonstrated that caste could function as a vehicle for democratic empowerment. Historically marginalized groups gained representation in legislatures and influenced public policy.

However, caste-based mobilization also reinforced identity boundaries. Electoral campaigns often rely on caste arithmetic, and alliances are forged primarily on community calculations rather than ideological coherence. While such strategies reflect democratic competition, they may also perpetuate fragmentation and limit programmatic politics.

Religion and the Politics of Nationalism

Religion occupies a central place in Indian political discourse. The constitutional commitment to secularism aimed to ensure equal respect for all faiths and prevent state endorsement of any religion. Yet religious identity has remained politically salient, particularly in the context of Hindu-Muslim relations.

The rise of Hindu nationalist ideology, associated with organizations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and its political arm, the Bharatiya Janata Party, transformed the political landscape. The Ram Janmabhoomi movement in the late twentieth century mobilized religious sentiments around the disputed site in Ayodhya, culminating in the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. This event intensified communal polarization and reshaped electoral alignments.

Religious mobilization has electoral advantages in a society where the Hindu majority constitutes a substantial voting bloc. At the same time, minority communities, particularly Muslims, often consolidate their votes to counter perceived majoritarian threats. This dynamic reinforces communal polarization within democratic competition.

While religious politics may enhance participation by articulating cultural grievances, it poses challenges to secular constitutionalism. Democratic practice risks being undermined when majoritarian narratives marginalize minorities or when communal violence disrupts social cohesion.

Ethnicity, Regionalism, and Federalism

India’s ethnic diversity extends beyond caste and religion to include linguistic, tribal, and regional identities. The reorganization of states along linguistic lines in the 1950s acknowledged the legitimacy of regional aspirations within a federal framework. Federalism has been instrumental in accommodating ethnic diversity by granting states autonomy in governance.

Regional parties such as the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu and the Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab have mobilized ethnic and linguistic identities while participating in national coalitions. In the northeastern states, ethnic movements have sometimes taken insurgent forms, challenging the state’s authority.

Democratic institutions have provided channels for negotiating ethnic demands, including the creation of new states such as Jharkhand and Telangana. However, ethnic mobilization can also generate secessionist tendencies or inter-community conflicts. Balancing regional autonomy with national integration remains a critical challenge for Indian democracy.

Electoral Dynamics and Identity Coalitions

The evolution of India’s party system reflects the interplay of social divisions and democratic competition. The decline of single-party dominance in the late twentieth century led to coalition governments at the center, often dependent on regional and caste-based parties. Electoral strategies increasingly relied on constructing cross-caste and cross-community coalitions.

In recent years, a shift toward centralized leadership and majoritarian narratives has altered the nature of electoral mobilization. Political campaigns frequently emphasize national identity, development, and security while subtly invoking religious and caste solidarities. The integration of social media and mass communication technologies has amplified identity narratives, sometimes contributing to misinformation and polarization.

Yet elections also provide opportunities for accountability and policy debates. Voters are not solely driven by identity; economic performance, welfare schemes, and governance records influence electoral outcomes. The complexity of voter behavior underscores the multifaceted character of democratic practice in India.

Affirmative Action and Social Justice

One of the distinctive features of Indian democracy is its commitment to affirmative action. Reservations in education, public employment, and legislatures for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes aim to address historical injustices. The extension of reservations to Other Backward Classes further institutionalized caste-based redistribution.

Affirmative action has enabled greater representation of marginalized communities and contributed to social mobility. However, it has also sparked debates about merit, efficiency, and the criteria for backwardness. Periodic agitations by various communities demanding inclusion in reservation categories reveal the continuing centrality of caste in political discourse.

The democratic negotiation of social justice policies illustrates how identity can be integrated into constitutional frameworks. The challenge lies in ensuring that such measures promote equality without entrenching permanent divisions.

Challenges to Democratic Practice

The intersection of social divisions and democratic practice presents several challenges. Communal violence, hate speech, and discriminatory policies threaten the inclusive ethos of the Constitution. Polarization may weaken deliberative democracy by reducing complex policy issues to identity binaries.

Furthermore, the concentration of political power and erosion of institutional checks can exacerbate majoritarian tendencies. Civil society organizations, media, and judiciary play crucial roles in safeguarding minority rights and constitutional norms. The resilience of Indian democracy depends on maintaining institutional independence and public trust.

At the same time, social divisions are not inherently detrimental. They reflect the plural character of Indian society. Democratic politics provides mechanisms for peaceful contestation and negotiation. The key issue is whether identity-based mobilization remains within constitutional bounds or evolves into exclusionary nationalism.

Conclusion

The relationship between social divisions and democratic practice in India is characterized by both tension and accommodation. Caste, religion, and ethnicity have profoundly shaped political mobilization, party systems, and policy agendas. These identities have enabled marginalized communities to claim representation and reshape power structures. At the same time, their politicization has generated polarization, communal conflict, and challenges to secular constitutionalism.

Indian democracy has demonstrated remarkable resilience by incorporating diversity within institutional frameworks such as federalism, affirmative action, and electoral competition. Yet its future stability depends on reinforcing inclusive principles, strengthening democratic institutions, and fostering civic identities that transcend narrow communal boundaries.

The Indian experience suggests that democracy in a deeply diverse society is neither a linear process nor a uniform ideal. It is an evolving practice that must continually negotiate the boundaries between identity and citizenship, plurality and unity, representation and cohesion. The vitality of Indian democracy lies not in the absence of social divisions but in its capacity to manage them through constitutional dialogue and participatory politics.

Works Cited

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The Point is Poetry

“This is what poems are for:
Telling other people things
I can no longer tell you.”

This quote by Trista Mateer is one of my favorite quotes of all time. Because every time I read this quote, I cannot help but wonder what was going on in the minds of those great poets when they wrote the poems we read today, or rather who was going on in the minds of those poets?The center of almost every poem is the poet missing their lover or their mother or their home or they are extremely happy or extremely sad and there’s no other way to express that feeling but poetry. ‘There’s no other way to express that feeling but poetry.’ Everything makes so much more sense when it’s in the form of poetry.

Truth be told, I haven’t always been this big of a poetry fan. For the longest time poems for me were just lessons in my English textbook. The emphasis was more on finding the figure of speech and not on connecting with the poet. Every line had a hidden meaning, the red dress was a symbol of pain or sometimes pleasure, the blue eyes symbolized the oceans of tears she held in her eyes, the daffodils symbolized happiness. We were always told to read between the lines. But what if, just what if, the red dress is just a red dress symbolizing nothing but how much does our girl in the poem like the color red or maybe not even that. What if blue eyes are just the color of her eyes and the poem mentions daffodils because it’s the only flower that grows around her house? Don’t get me wrong, I’m not saying that poems are just plain sentences that symbolize nothing. I’m sure that many poems like ‘the road not taken’ actually do have a deeper meaning. All I’m trying to say is that we don’t always have to search for deeper meaning. The point of poetry is for you to enjoy it, it’s for you to connect to it.

Shakespeare rightly said that the only thing that will outlive everything is poetry. The feelings you feel now of pain or heartbreak or misery or happiness or love, you think those feelings are unique to you, you think that no one in the world could understand what you’re feeling and then one day you come across a poem that speaks to you in a way you didn’t think was possible. It seems like that poem is something from your own head. And that part of you is a bit more defined, a bit sharper, and a bit easier to understand and explain to others. And in a while, you realize that this poet felt exactly what you’re feeling just some hundred and fifty years ago. Told you that everything makes so much more sense when it’s in the form of poetry.

What’s more interesting is we all read the same poetry and miss different people, different places, different homes. How that poem is written for none of us but somehow for every one of us. Don’t you think that’s the entire point of poetry? You don’t have to understand the poetry to enjoy it. You don’t have to read every work of your favorite poet to say you’re a fan. You don’t have to go look for the deeper meaning, sometimes there isn’t any and sometimes the deeper meaning is how the poem resonates with you. Sometimes the point of poetry is poetry.

Why are people switching to digital schools?

– Sonia Sharma

Every activity happening in international schools is digitally stored, including the classrooms. Students, teachers and parents can always verify and re-visit to clarify the facts. Students don’t have to take leave each time they fall in the football ground. Your kid can sit in his/her bed or study table, drink a cup of warm milk and continue attending school without missing a class. Even if they miss a class, they can always log in to access the class later.

We live in the postmodern digital age. Most of us get every information at the speed of light with a simple tap of buttons. People can’t even wait for a website to load after 3 seconds. Any longer than that, we just close the link and move on to a faster website! With that, education is at our fingertips and everyone around the world is embracing the digital education system. COVID and extreme climates have opened new possibilities for students and institutes. They find it way more comforting and fruitful to indulge in digital schools, online coaching, and distance learning degrees. But more than comfort, online learning is a blessing in disguise. There is more to it than you know right now.

Photo by Andrea Piacquadio on Pexels.com

Here are a couple of reasons why digital schools are the next big thing for students! You would be surprised to know!

Grow skilled and brighter

When children are tech-smart, they develop multiple skill-sets. From self-learning to practice and technology advancement, everything leads to their future growth- personal and professional. They can even manage, plan and organize things smartly and swiftly! Most things are soon going to shift completely online.

Learn self-development

In a digital education system, students learn discipline but in a very fun way! They become more active, fearless and curious in an online class. Often, students find ways to interact with their classmates and teachers without facing the fear of face-to-face interaction. Eventually, the fear vanishes, and children can easily communicate offline within a group, out in the world, and exchange knowledge. Students do their own research to complete the tasks and view the calendars or notifications to submit them on time.

Rich, easier and fun curriculum

Conventional black, white, and green boards are no longer the only medium of teaching. There is a lot of interesting and fun content prepared and used in a digital school. Learners can save digital assets, like notes, class recordings, drafts, links, presentations, e-books, and videos! Online quiz and answer gardens are one of the most engaging and entertaining activities in digital schools. Well, you can now also make a book online with prominent ebook templates for your child’s study. So, the ways are getting flexible online to help study better.

Authentic experience

Every activity happening in the school is digitally stored, including the classrooms. Students, teachers and parents can always verify and re-visit to clarify the facts. Students don’t have to take leave each time they fall in the football ground. Your kid can sit in his/her bed or study table, drink a cup of warm milk and continue attending school without missing a class. Even if they miss a class, they can always log in to access the class later.

Career-oriented education

With this online shift, digital education systems focus on providing technology-based skill sets and career-focused education. They help to brush up the interpersonal and professional skills on a global level. From language learning apps to software development training, students develop their skills earlier than conventional methods. In an offline school, they may only get one or two days in a month to visit the computer lab for a hands-on experience.

Road to savings and sustainable living

Digital schools save a lot of time, fuel and effort that we waste on uniforms, transport, cooking, buying books and stationery. Thousands of bucks are saved from your pockets and significant air pollution is avoided.

Parents are updated

The digital education system is a blessing for parents as well. There is no need to worry about your child’s progress. To check if your child is doing well in school, you can always communicate with the staff and log onto the parents’ portal. You can exchange advice and information via video calls with the teachers. You can always view their progress reports and grades in your portal.

Isn’t this a wonderful promising venture? Reduced chances of boredom and mischief, increased student development and global opportunities at your fingertips! A revolution like this in the education system was long due.

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